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strategies can only prow out of analysis of local<br />

conditions, needs and Interests. The teachers*<br />

position is intimately bound up with the expectations<br />

of their role-SBt. Therefore, the development of<br />

strategies needs to take into account the expectations<br />

and the roles of pupils, parents, col leagues and<br />

authorities. Teachers can undertake to increase the<br />

communlcations between oil members of the role-set In<br />

order to de-escalata the levels of conflict end than<br />

encourage co-operation. A working criteria could be<br />

to open up communications between all members of the<br />

role—sat.<br />

2. The slat of education for transformation must be<br />

that of helping pupils, other teachers, parents<br />

and themselves to understand the material and social<br />

world around them. As many educationalists believe,<br />

it Is not the content but the educational process<br />

which is aost important. The organisation of the<br />

school and of the clsssrooa should therefore proaote<br />

critical understanding. Participation in tha<br />

educational process should be encouraged. Gelpi, the<br />

current head of UNESCO's Lifelong Education unit,<br />

believes that self-directed learning by Individuals<br />

and groups should be promoted as 'it is s danger for<br />

every repressive force, and it's upon self-direct ion<br />

that we aust insist*. He goes on, '(r)adlcel change<br />

in social, aorel, aesthetic and political affairs is<br />

often the out COM of a process of self directed<br />

learning in opposition to tha educational message<br />

imposed f rcai el thout * *<br />

Several writers who are concerned with education­<br />

al transformation insist that the development of<br />

critical thinking Is fundamental to the task. This<br />

means that trying to indoctrinate pupils with an<br />

alternative Ideology is the worst way of progressing•<br />

A dialectical educational philosophy needs to farm tiie<br />

cornerstone for change. Education needs to enhance the<br />

chances for a genuinely democratic and participatory<br />

society. Tha second working criteria could therefore<br />

be a ooaatltSKsnt to the development of e critical and<br />

dlalectlcel educational philosophy.<br />

If criteria like the above were accepted as key<br />

principles in the strategies adoptmd'by teachers.<br />

perhaps a constructive start could be made to the<br />

building of a unified community of teachers, where<br />

"divergant-typ*< thinking is encouraged and teachers<br />

are able to play an important role In facilitating<br />

positive educational developments, which both begins<br />

to meat the present needs and can also contribute to<br />

the foundations Qr * future, more desirable education<br />

system.<br />

CONCLUSION<br />

THE teacher in this article is treated as one in<br />

opposition. Therefore strategies which are projected<br />

need to be concerned with "re-def inition• , relatively<br />

small-scale, low-cost, and ones which draw primarily<br />

on teachers' Own resources.<br />

Shirley "alters<br />

Note: The author of this article has developed ideas<br />

that serve as background to the strategies discussed<br />

in the erticla above, in an U Ed dissertation at the<br />

University of Manchester. Readers who might be<br />

interested in this dissertation are asked to<br />

contact Shirley Baiters through the editors of IP<br />

(address on the index page of this publication).<br />

subscribe to<br />

IAPRIGA<br />

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subscriptions<br />

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COUKITVE<br />

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ETHNICITY<br />

AND CLASS<br />

IN GAZANKULU<br />

IF there is agreement about anything regarding<br />

Gazankulu, it is a sense of surprise at the<br />

bantustan's very existence. Cos Desmond, who<br />

visited the Northern Transvaal in 1969, wrote that<br />

the Tswanastan belles the idea of a nation*<br />

state In that its sections are often hundreds<br />

of miles apart. But the Vendastan and<br />

T&ongastan woke the idea of creating a viable<br />

nation-state even less plausible.<br />

Vet only three years later. Commissioner-<br />

General EF Potgieter ems able to tell the Gazankulu<br />

legislative assembly that<br />

I very much realise that there was a time when<br />

you were grouped together with the Bavende on<br />

the one side and with the Besutho on the other<br />

and that you eere not a people as you are today<br />

in this meeting hall.<br />

The decision to create Gerankuiu as a separate<br />

political entity for the Tsonga/9*angoen ethnic<br />

group was almost an afterthought in the South<br />

African state's grand scheme of 'separate development'<br />

Ihus, the problem which this article addresses Itself<br />

to can be stated quite simply: how is it that in<br />

little over a decade, ethnic consciousness has been<br />

aroused to the extent thet Gazankulu is nom well on<br />

the way to bentustan * independence*?<br />

as an analytical category, ethnicity or<br />

nationalism has always presented a massive problem<br />

to materialist writers. In an important article,<br />

John Saul writes that 'progressive writers on Africa<br />

generally approach the Issue of "tribalism* as one<br />

mould approach a minefield - and with good reason'.<br />

Saul makes the point that It Is useless to slogenisa<br />

ethnit consciousness away as 'false consciousness** •<br />

The vary fact that ethnic consciousness has so often<br />

been mobilised into e powerful political platform<br />

demands an explanation of the availability of<br />

t*xje «V

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