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Implication la clnr that they hod received advance notice of masa population removals, Oia of tha businessman I spoke to llvad in Lulekanl. an area Just east of Pholaboree, which seams to t>a destined to bacoaa) a alta of M U resettlement for Gezankulu citizens. A* a Gezankulu citizen, ha had recently moved acrose tha main road froa tha raamakoale location ahere ha had owned a tihop and butchery. (It seems that namafcgale la to become pert of Lebowa, ahlla Lulekanl - ahere Ha now Uvea - la to bacoaa part of GaxanKulu. Both settlements are therefore deatined to bacoaa bantuatan dormitory towns serving Phelaborea}. Thla businessmen, (Ur uV)t la a caricature of tha patty bourgeois 'on the make'. Hia large corrugated-* Iron housa-cum-office la situated In tha aidat of shanty-town structures. In contraat to tha general atmosphere of heat and squalor, hla office la filled alth ostentatious furniture, ornaaants and paintings. A Persian-looking rug aas draped over his desk and a cablnat to tha rear aas filled alth huge books and a sat of encyclopedias. Tha bizarre situetlon aaa compounded by hia boabastit self-importance - ha Initially rafusad to sea a* because I had not aade an appointment with his 'secretary'. It would be comforting to believe that Mr hmi la unique - unfortunately, ha la not.. He is one of e nee generation of petty bourgeois businessmen aho are the direct beneflciarlee of bantuatan consolidation and population resettlement. It is hardly surprising therefor* th*t ar HI Is i hearty supporter of the development of Gazankulu. A particularly revealing expression of the benefits to be gained by businessman aho gain trading licenses by virtue of bantuatan consolidation is seen In tha following extract from tha Gazankulu legislative assembly debates: 8 Mr N Chauke: Things stildi aorry ma most era tha shops of foreigners, wnat permits these shops to be situated in our areas?...Thla Is disgraceful. Especially non-ehlte shops.... me may sympethlee a little alth ehites because ee are asking for batter and bigger businesses from whites with which they muat come and help us But a non-white? He will only use our money and go aaay with tha money, we do not * need e foreign non—white parson to manage our businesses. The granting of trading licenses to citizena of a particular bantuatan is thus a primary reason for tha support which tha petty bourgeoisie gives to bantuatan consolidation. Traders, however, are not tha only beneficiaries within the petty bourgeoisie. In 1973 it waa alleged in the Gazankulu legislative assembly that soma Shengaans ware 'buying cars, hoping that the business of removing paople would bring them a flubatantlal income*. Similarly, owners of tha ubiquitoua Japanese bakkles and taxla who ply ttair respective trades throughout Gazankulu are beneficiaries of the systaa by exploiting tha opportunltlea afforded to tha full- On account of their vested interests they too must therefore be conaiderad sympathetic to the process of ethnic rrmgmantetion. It is a prerequisite that inspectors of schools, principals, nurses end bureaucrats of tha capital Glyanl must all be citizens, of Gazankulu in order to hold their Jobs. For thes% members of tha petty bourgeoisie the existence of Gazankulu Is of mora than mere sentimental significance - it la the basis of their power, status and class position. Chiefs TnOTe la no doubt that chiefs mnd headman have played an instrumental role in fostering ethnic consciousness amongst their subjects. Tna series of apartheid Acts following tha 1951 Bantu Authorities Act involved an attempt by the South African state to conserve 'traditional tribal' structures in a restructured form. Specifically, they ware almtd at restoring economic, political and social control to chiefs and headmen who Had lost these powere aa a consequence of the penetration of capitalist relatione. By Investing chiefly elements with administrative control, and by effectively incorporating them Into tha civil service, chiefs end headmen ware dr*en into a class alliance with tha proponents of separate development. Throughout Gezanfculu I aaa told hoe chiefs and heariann were bribed and corrupted by promises and often - -•'- 1 •* - A ' " * T * • material glfta. In a strategy raminiscant of gifts of worthless trinkwts to chlafs during the colonial era, one man described to ma how chiefs were given 'dignity bags' (briefcases) at preliminary meetings with tha South African government. Significantly, chlafs and headmen now receive salariee directly from tha bantuatan government, page H according to the numbers of subjecta living under them. This has bean of crucial importance with respect to population removals since chiefs have often encouraged such ramovala in tha hope of gaining mora subjects. In motivating ^n amount of fl16 600 for payments to chiefs and haooaan In 19?2, Professor Ntsanwisi told the legislative assembly Oia ou manse hat gese tint die sLano baweag oadat hy dense hat. One kaptelna an hoof manna la ook diasalfde - dmartlla slang eat bmwewg omoat hy denes hat. 0ns all dus hi dat hlerdle slenge van ons dams w»t he. The graphic image of snakes and Intestines can hardly be mora apposite alth regard to tha payment of chiefs. Thus, It is no surprise that a year later Ntsanwisi told tha legislative assembly* that A chief will now be paid twice; ha shall be peld for the wot* ha does at home and also be paid for being a member of tha legislative assembly. Tha foregoing dlscuasion does not suggeest that each and ewry chief and headman has benefitted from bantuatan consolidation. In many Instances they have bean moved together with th*lr people and against their will. Thla has frequently occurred whan, for example, a Shengnen chief has bean moved In order tft f facilitate tha consolidation of Vanda. But even forced remove Is do not neceasarily negate the ethnic consciousness of those chiefs removed with their people, revealing it as a fraud. Quite tha contrary; hostility and resentment against being removed la seldom aimed against the distant South African government. Since it Is directed against tha ethnic group amongst whom the removed people have bean living, ethnic consciousness can be. engendered among chiefs, headman and their people, irrespective of whether they stand to gain or loam by being removed.
gar. rgthnicjty: the ordinary people THROUGH listening to missionaries, church—n, teachers and ordinary people, there la overahelalng evidence that Teonga-epeakers hava baan living perfectly easily amongst Vandaa and Sothoa for tha last 100 years. Throughout tha Northern Tranevaal, X aaa repeatedly Informed, Tscopes have intaraerrled extensively eith Vandaa and Sothoa and hava lived alda by alda with tnaa. In aany araaa tha conatltuency of Vanda chlafa aaa predominantly Taonga, and tha convarsa appllad too* Those to whom I spoke wvn virtually unanimous in declaring that sustained friction bataean athnlc groupa la a ralatlvaly racant phanoaanon, a dlract consequence of tha implementation of tha Bantu Authorities system. A Sotho haalth inspector ehoa I met at a cafe naar »lluuane told aa that *bafora aaparata develop- aent I llvad amongst Taongas and sent to achool aith thaw. Horn I would rathar hava a ahite men In ay houaa than a Shangean'.- Throughout these araas poised between coneoUdetion into althar Vanda or Gezankulu, Taonga- apaaKara expressed horror at balng 'Vendafied'. Friction arupts everywhere. At Ghlluvana naar Txanaan tha Oouglaa Salt hoapltal ahlch eas built after World War 1 to aarva tha local population aa* declared pert of Gazankulu In 1961. In retaliation Phatudl of Laboaa ordered tha removal of all Sotho ataff froa tha hospital in Aprll/aay 1981, Moreover, Sotho patlanta (soma on drips i] vara reached by ambulance to a 'Sotho 1 hoapltal some 15cm •way. At preaent, tanalona ajaongat Sotho and Taonga epeakara at Shiluvane ara close to breaking point - all this in en araa ahlch churchman daacrlba aa having baan a modal of haraxmloua huaan inter- ralationehlp. How, than, ara inter-ethnic tanalona stimulated aaongat tha ordinary paopla aho atand only to lota froa bantuatan consolidation? Tha key to thla quaation llaa in the fact ttiet there ia no altarnatlva; facad with tha raallty of bantuatan consolidation, ordinary paopla ara foread to oparata within tha ayataa In ardor to survive. In tha fight for survival, gladiators auat hava hotad ona another with more intanaity than thay did tha Roman aristocracy responsible for placing than in tha arana in tha firat placa. Tha aaaa prlnclpla undarllaa tha davalopaant of athnic hostility in tha Northam Transvaal. Tha aatabllahmant of boundariaai bantuatan consolidation and population raaovala ara aaong tha aaln masons for athnic dlffarancaa asaualng a politicised fora. Oiviaiona ara anforcad through tha aatabllahaant of aaparata cllnice, schools, labour bureaux, poat offlcaa and othar adalnlatratlva atructuraa for aacn population group. On a aaln road In Gazankulu, tha road suddenly narroaa and la pittad because It haa brlafly antarad Vanda territory and la tharafora of no algnlficanca for 5ezankulu euthoritiee. It becomes Incraaaingly difficult for pensioners to racalva their aonthly handouta if thay ara living outside of thalr 'nation' * even If they have baan living in the same placa all thalr Uvea. One of tha greatest reasons for tha eaargence of athnlc hostility relates to tha establlahaant of slngle^nediua schools. Whan schools ara auddanly daclarad 'Vanda' or 'Qhangaan' or 'Sotho 1 . It bacoaaa Impossible for children to receive aother*tongue Instruction. Faced «ith this problem, cultural traditions can only be upheld by removing to onee 'homeland*. Tne relationship bataean the davalopaant of tha bantustans and tha acceptance of their existence by thalr 'citizens* is a product of a vicious circle. The South African state establishes boundaries in the name of 'homeland 1 consolidation and those people caught outalda their 'hoaeland' euffer victimisation and uncertelnty as a result, victimisation with regard to schooling, tha awarding of labour contracts, pensions, hospital aervlces» etc, together exert treaendoue pressure on people to eove* In addition, a favourite tactic of tha 'GO' 12 ia to intlaldata tno*o threatened eith removal over an amended period of tlaa. As a raeult of these threats of removal, those in poaaaaelon of relatively greater aatarial nmmn* move before the eltamatlvee offered to thaa become laaa and leaa attractive. The community la therefore split and It is inevitably tha pooreet alaaenta aho are finally carted easy and duapad by the M trucks or their bantuatan functionaries. Within these peraaetere it la therafore virtually lapoaaible not to accept homeland 'independence• in aoaa form. Tha South African govarnaant seta the situation and the nechenlea of ethnic fragaantat1on acquires a dynamic of its own. * Conclusion Tha tragedy of ethnicity in the Northam Transvaal le that it la real. At a political level tha lapllcetlona ara extremely depressing; tha South African atate ahlch ia ultleately responsible for the polltlcleetlon of ethnicity through its pushing of separate davalopaant. ia seen by soaa aa an honeet broker. The greatest amount of antagonism in Gaxankulu ia reserved for Vends end Laboaa - ehile Koornhof la respectfully approached by 'deputations 1 . Rev Sydney Ngobet general secretary of the Evangelical Presbyterian Church , e*plolne that 'ethnic feelings have increased ao much since separate davalopaant that people apeak of "aa Sotho" or "ae Taonga" rethar than "we people" or "aa afrlcane". People aho uaad to aay "aa blacks are not allowed to go there" no* aay "aa Shangaen aay not go there'. It ia tharafora at their peril that progressives blithely dismiss tha eaargence of ethnicity In the Northern Transvaal es 'false consciousness'* Falae it is in tha sense that the real source of edeery and Oppression - the South African state - becomes obscured. But this falae conecloueness le not e aare ephemeral ideology ahlch can be ignored. Its basis le dletlnctly aatarial; rooted on the one hand In tha claas interests of tha new afrlcan petty bourgeoisie, and on the othar hand in the atruggle for survival faced by the ordinary aaae of exploited end ccpressed paopla. Saul Ouboa
Page 1 and 2: nr mm 1982 !'V V \ 1 i • » * s
Page 3 and 4: » DETENTIONS: Rabie Reports JUBT t
Page 5 and 6: dominate In South Africa. In these
Page 7 and 8: Ma+i-lightwd soee of the IMUN invol
Page 9 and 10: Baper* (LK8), beceuoe of *ta anti-u
Page 11 and 12: [DETENTIONS: Investigating Inquests
Page 13 and 14: peg* 11 officially performed post-m
Page 15 and 16: page 13 unless Inflicted beforw daa
Page 17 and 18: I 0-B« 15 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICA
Page 19 and 20: pega 17 oppressed BOTH by capital a
Page 21 and 22: I suthors' contention thmt it il ox
Page 23 and 24: Q ' analytical tools*( like role th
Page 25: page 2& •officiant nuebers of the
Page 29 and 30: particularly •egaa, end hence wor
Page 31 and 32: £o natch 'their transport to gat h
Page 33 and 34: &C..31 to work in protest against t
Page 35 and 36: [fmgn 33 mturn to th«lr homes In t
Page 37 and 38: paga 36 - _ ' Fane Qeorge dibhole,
Page 39 and 40: peg* T/ appellant c la lea overrule
Page 41 and 42: 'ruling •tunic group'» or eo*eti
Page 43 and 44: in the 1960s extended the process o
Page 45 and 46: and othar claaa forces, began to cr
Page 47 and 48: movement (In collaboration with the
Page 49 and 50: 1939, but aoaa aaabars of the Natio
Page 51 and 52: An Important caveat needs to be wdi
Page 53 and 54: end Vorster by implication. Althoug
Page 55 and 56: of thit Cape party organisation and
Page 57 and 58: ^ — :—: __. * party, In «n ett

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