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page 3<br />

Koranic aspect of this boom was that It lad to e<br />

dramatic concentration «nd centrelieation of capital<br />

on the basis of cv*r more capital inteneive production,<br />

leading to significant shifts in relatione within the<br />

capitalist class. Prior to the 1960s, South African<br />

industry was characterised by a sharp economic<br />

distinction and political antagonist between local<br />

undertakings and foreign capital. "•> & 00 * 9 f ^ha<br />

i9€Oa produced the rapid intervenetratIon of capitals<br />

and the consolidation of the dominance of diversified<br />

monopolies within the economy generally, and in all<br />

the major sectors of capitalist production. This<br />

process was effect^ on the basis of a_ massive influx<br />

of foreign capital, in a country where the return on<br />

capital was amongst the highest in the world. By<br />

1970. total foreign investment was estimated at<br />

R5 81&-milllon, and a total of R3 559-million foreign<br />

investment capital flowed into South Africa in the<br />

period 196S - 19?o\ 6<br />

Consequent on this Increasing dominance of<br />

capital-intensive production, these years further saw<br />

significant changes in the organisation of the<br />

proletariat within production, accelerating the process<br />

of the simultaneous attraction and extrusion of workers<br />

from production. The introduction of Increasingly<br />

sophisticated technology into the production process<br />

on an ever expanding scale, leads to a relative<br />

reduction in the number of workers needed to operate<br />

it. moreover, it simultaneously Introduces a new<br />

industrial division of labour between semi-skilled<br />

operatives on the one hand, and technical/supervisory<br />

labour on the other, replacing the old unskilled/<br />

skilled division of labour. Thus, during this period,<br />

whilst large numbers of sami-skilled operatives were<br />

being drawn into production, even lerger numbers of<br />

unskilled african migrant workers lost their Jobs as<br />

they became 'redundant 1 . Throughout the 'boom',<br />

african unemployment stood at over 1 million. The<br />

Influx control measures and pass laws of the apartheid<br />

system operated to expel the unemployed from the<br />

cities end dump and barricade them In the festering<br />

rural slums of bantustano. This process marked a<br />

decisive shift aw«y from the reliance on cheep,<br />

unakillad migrant labour so long charactar 1 Stic of<br />

South African industry, towards the consolidation of<br />

a stable, ssml-ekllled workforce.<br />

Similarly during this period, large numbers of<br />

skilled (white) workers eere also rendered relatival/<br />

superfluous to capital Intensive production, as their<br />

skills were superceded by the need for technical/<br />

supervisory labour. Yet in apartheid South Africe.<br />

the Jobs of white workers were protected. The rigid<br />

industrial colour bar reserved all supervisory,<br />

technical and professional work for whites. Thus in<br />

this changing organisation of the labour process, few<br />

shite workers lost their Jobs, but were either<br />

retrained and/or converted into supervisors of efrican<br />

workers. However, this process of reclassifying white<br />

workers was unable to fill the growing need for<br />

technical labour. The boom period was thus also<br />

characterised by a severe and growing shortage of<br />

labour in technical, professional and semi-<br />

professional grades of work - a shortage estimate*.<br />

at some 47 000 workers In 1969.<br />

In these years the monopoly element of the<br />

capitalist class did demand measures which would mase<br />

restriction on trie mobility, employment and training<br />

of african workers, to permit its acquisition of a<br />

stable supoly of semi-skilled operatives end to retrain<br />

african workers for technical labour. However, the<br />

over-all conditions of expansion and high profitability<br />

edtlgated the adverse effects of such labour<br />

shortages flncJ thus did not lead to an all out assault<br />

by capital on the existing rigid racial division of<br />

labcxir. During this period, the economy was further<br />

'cushioned' against such labour shortages hy the<br />

continuing large influx of foreign investment capital.<br />

Thua, while the boom conditions persisted, the<br />

maintenance of the rigid racial division of labour in<br />

industry did not seriously threaten the interests of<br />

the capitaliat class.<br />

As the 1970s unfolded, the great boom of the<br />

sixties gave way to a deepening recession. By 1976<br />

the country was facing the worst economic crisis in<br />

its history and an actual decline of GOP of 0,29)1 in<br />

1977-76. 9 By the mid* 1970s, confronted both with an<br />

international recession and growing industrial,<br />

political and economic instability within South Africa<br />

itself and the region as a whole, the very large doses<br />

of foreign capital which had sustained the growth<br />

of the 1960s began to dry up. South African Reserve<br />

Bank statistics show a reduction in the inflow of<br />

long-term foreign investment from R1 561-mllllon in<br />

1975-76 to Ra52-mlllion in 1975-77. If this<br />

redaction is coupled with the actual net outflow<br />

of short-term capital from the private sector, the<br />

year 1976-77 saw a total capital outflow of some<br />

R12l-mllllan. Similarly, the recession dramatically<br />

increased the growing structural unemployment of<br />

african workers. In 1976, before the recession had<br />

reached its full height, it was estimated that<br />

african unemployment stood at 2,3 million workers*<br />

moreover, simply to stabilise unemployment at this<br />

huge number it was calculated that the economy would<br />

have to grow at 6,7% per annum. Ironically, in<br />

the face of this acuta unemployment of african<br />

workers, the shortages of technical workers in<br />

the economy accelerated* By 1977, government figures<br />

show vacancies Tor 99 000 workers in the professional,<br />

semi •'professional and technical grade*. The pages<br />

of authoritative economic Journals were filled with<br />

reports of bankruptcies, and the r.t it* was forced to<br />

abandon or defer major infrastructwal Investment<br />

programmes in steel, petro-chee)ical»f transport and<br />

other sectors.<br />

The above specification of som% of the Indices<br />

of the crisis of accumulation cannot substitute for<br />

lte actual analysis. A detailed analysis would have<br />

to grapple particularly with the differential<br />

barriers to accumulation for veriou* capitals, and<br />

the differential impact of the crisis on various<br />

capitals. Thle analysis remains to be done. Thus,<br />

the assessment of the effects of thl* crisis of capital<br />

accumulation remains necessarily incomplete. However,<br />

one general point can be made. Thia *as far more<br />

than a cyclical recession normal to capitalist<br />

economies, but represented in effect a profound<br />

structural crisis for South Africmn capitalism.<br />

The rapid growth of the South African economy

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