Institutional Mechanisms for REDD+ - Case Studies Working Paper

communities. In the case of the REDD+ pilot visited in Chiapas, three of the four technicians were recent
recruits replacing other technicians that had left the project (even after receiving training) for better
opportunities, or that had been replaced by the community assembly because they were not ejidatarios. There
is also a need to regulate the intermediaries better to ensure that those who are not performing well do not
continue to be hired by the communities.
Length of the agreements:
By law, ejidos and communities cannot enter into legal agreements for a period beyond 30 years. 46 The terms
of the agreements for the PSAH and in Oaxaca are relatively short (five years and one year, respectively),
although there are possibilities for extension. Participants in CONAFOR‘s PES program can apply for a fiveyear
extension, although in the practice more points are given to new applicants in the selection system. 47 To
date, there are only two projects that have extended their agreement with CONAFOR. 48 For Oaxaca, the
communities have chosen to offer the carbon on an annual basis, although some buyers are interested in this
and have committed verbally to longer terms. In fact, a buyer offered SAO/Pronatura to buy carbon for a
100-year period, but the communities declined. 49
Managing expectations:
Perhaps the two major concerns about PES schemes in México are that they can create unreasonable
financial expectations and that can be used for political gain or other purposes. There is a perception that they
are only ―buying time‖ and/or are ―conservation subsidies‖ and that they might be creating a habit among
communities to expect compensation without doing anything or without changing behaviors. 50 The more
serious concerns are about the PES of the State of Chiapas where indigenous communities are paid for ―not
changing the current land use of their properties‖. 51, 52 ―The reason AMBIO‘s REDD+ pilot project in
Chiapas does not discuss carbon markets openly with the communities and the focus of the project presented
to the communities is on sustainable community development, is because the communities have been
―corrupted‖ by CONAFOR‘s PES system.‖ 53
Equity:
In rural communities, women traditionally are not considered in decision-making processes that have to do
with natural resources or economic activities. Pronatura considered this project as an opportunity for women,
which would help to ensure the long-term sustainability of the project. 54 Although there is much progress to
be made, it appears that participation of women is improving. In Tlahuitoltepec, four women have been
46 Interview with Paola Bauche (CONAFOR).
47 (Diario Oficial de la Federación, 2010) Secretaría de Medio Ambiente. Comisión Nacional Forestal. 2010. Reglas de operación del programa
ProArbol 2011. Diario Oficial de la Federación, 29 de Diciembre de 2010. Online at
http://dof.gob.mx/nota_detalle.php?codigo=5172994&fecha=29/12/2010.
48 Interviews with Paola Bauche, José María Michel, and Sofia Magdalena Garcia Sanchez (and others) (CONAFOR).
49 Interview with Carlos Marcelo Perez (SAO).
50 Interviews with Antony Challenger (SEMARNAT), Santiago Enriquez and Gabriela Lozada (ABT Associates), and Elsa Esquivel (AMBIO).
51 Interviews with Elsa Esquivel (AMBIO) and Gabriela Lozada (ABT Associates).
52 Historically, politicians have used government funds dedicated to social programs to buy votes in of election times; people are used to this practice
and they expect to receive benefits (mostly meals and other goods) just to show up at political rallies. This is a practice that has been in place over
the last 80 years in some rural places.
53 Interview with Elsa Esquivel (AMBIO).
54 There are many cases where men (or ejidatarios) leave the community in search of better employment opportunities leaving women behind to make
decisions about the household and–in some cases–the use of the parcels.
PRRGP INSTITUTIONAL MECHANISMS FOR REDD: CASE STUDIES – WORKING PAPER 17