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Contribution of Forestry to Poverty Alleviation - APFNet

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As <strong>of</strong> 2010, MoF was able <strong>to</strong> issue 22 community plantation forest licenses covering a <strong>to</strong>tal <strong>of</strong> 9,045.89<br />

ha, 107 community forest licenses covering a <strong>to</strong>tal <strong>of</strong> 415,153 ha and village forest business licenses<br />

covering 113,354 ha.<br />

Commercial and Industrial <strong>Forestry</strong><br />

Production forestry, processing industries and plantations (large scale operations)<br />

<strong>Forestry</strong> in general is said <strong>to</strong> have contributed <strong>to</strong> national and regional development through logging<br />

roads that made access <strong>to</strong> remote areas possible, job opportunities and increase in regional government<br />

and community income (MoF 2006). However, there have been critical problems associated with the<br />

dynamic growth <strong>of</strong> the forestry sec<strong>to</strong>r with regard <strong>to</strong> the poverty situation <strong>of</strong> communities in and around<br />

forests. While large-scale capital-intensive operations have been relatively able <strong>to</strong> generate short-run<br />

financial returns, “there is little evidence for poverty alleviation” (WB 2006).<br />

The appropriation <strong>of</strong> forest communities’ lands and resources for large-scale timber interests and the<br />

lack <strong>of</strong> recognition <strong>of</strong> the cus<strong>to</strong>mary communities’ rights adversely affected the people’s livelihoods,<br />

economic opportunities and tenure security (Jarvie et al. 2003 in Contreras-Hermosilla and Fay 2005).<br />

Rural communities which depended on forest resources for their livelihoods associated the entry and<br />

operations <strong>of</strong> timber concessions and plantations with abuses and deterioration <strong>of</strong> community condition<br />

(Contreras-Hermosilla and Fay 2005). The people would still manage <strong>to</strong> utilize forest resources <strong>to</strong> meet<br />

their livelihood needs, but usually amid ensuing conflicts (Kayoi et. al. 2006). Or else, they would be<br />

forced <strong>to</strong> seek other forms <strong>of</strong> livelihood when activities <strong>of</strong> large-scale agri-businesses and logging<br />

companies encroached in<strong>to</strong> substantial land areas. In Kaimana and Mapia in Papua, the shift away from<br />

a nomadic way <strong>of</strong> living (pinda-pinda) with hunting and gathering as the livelihood strategy occurred<br />

very fast after the logging company arrived in the area (Soriaga and Walpole 2009). Often, local people<br />

could be denied access <strong>to</strong> grasslands they can cultivate for food crops on the basis <strong>of</strong> the classification<br />

<strong>of</strong> those lands as forest zones <strong>to</strong> be used for timber plantations (Contreras-Hermosilla and Fay 2005).<br />

In many cases, overlapping land claims and management regimes over the same area in the context <strong>of</strong><br />

legal uncertainties and inconsistencies have led <strong>to</strong> conflict between communities and companies or local<br />

governments. Among the common reasons for local communities’ complaints about forestry and forest<br />

utilization are (i) loss <strong>of</strong> forests that serve as sources <strong>of</strong> NWFPs; (ii) pollution <strong>of</strong> rivers and reduced<br />

fish s<strong>to</strong>cks due <strong>to</strong> logging waste; (iii) community development approaches not based on local people’s<br />

needs; (iv) the limiting <strong>of</strong> communication <strong>to</strong> those between company representatives and community<br />

elites, while not involving the broader set <strong>of</strong> community stakeholders; and (v) decreased community<br />

land (Erian<strong>to</strong>no 2010). Interrelated fac<strong>to</strong>rs leading <strong>to</strong> intractable conflicts include: (i) communities’<br />

loss <strong>of</strong> forest area and living space on lands licensed as concession areas; (ii) restriction <strong>of</strong> community<br />

activities in concession areas, particularly shifting cultivation and the collection <strong>of</strong> NWFPs; (iii) lack<br />

<strong>of</strong> communication between communities and companies leading <strong>to</strong> misunderstanding and distrust<br />

between the two groups; (iv) minimum benefits from the companies for local communities (wages and<br />

employment provision as companies prefer <strong>to</strong> recruit migrant/external workers); (v) encroachment in<strong>to</strong><br />

local communities’ traditionally protected and sacred sites; and (vi) deforestation and its impacts on the<br />

rural agro-ecosystem, such as erosion and increased river pollution (Sardjono 2004c in Simorangkir<br />

and Sadjono 2006).<br />

Owing <strong>to</strong> the unequal distribution <strong>of</strong> benefits, affected local communities received little share—if<br />

any—<strong>of</strong> the benefits from their forests. Moreover, little policy effort has been made <strong>to</strong> “invest revenues<br />

in human, financial, physical, or natural assets for the long term” (Kayoi et. al. 2006). The long-term<br />

impacts <strong>of</strong> the degraded state <strong>of</strong> the forests and natural resources <strong>to</strong> the poverty situation are being<br />

acknowledged in terms <strong>of</strong> reduced resource base and unsustainable livelihood; lack <strong>of</strong> access <strong>to</strong> clean<br />

water; environmental disasters (floods, droughts and landslides); forestry-related crimes (e.g., illegal<br />

logging and timber smuggling); as well as competition over resources, conflicts and weakening social<br />

cohesion.<br />

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