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PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

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determined, and, therefore, within whatever limits of time this planet<br />

will continue to support human life, man can set no term upon the<br />

creative energies of men. He can issue no doom of automatism. He can<br />

say, if he must, that for his life there will be no changes which he<br />

can recognize as good. But in saying that he will be confining his<br />

life to what he can see with his eye, rejecting what he might see with<br />

his mind; he will be taking as the measure of good a measure which is<br />

only the one he happens to possess. He can find no ground for<br />

abandoning his highest hopes and relaxing his conscious effort unless<br />

he chooses to regard the unknown as the unknowable, unless he elects<br />

to believe that what no one knows no one will know, and that what<br />

someone has not yet learned no one will ever be able to teach.<br />

PART V - THE MAKING OF A COMMON WILL<br />

CHAPTER XIII<br />

THE TRANSFER OF INTEREST<br />

This goes to show that there are many variables in each man's<br />

impressions of the invisible world. The points of contact vary, the<br />

stereotyped expectations vary, the interest enlisted varies most<br />

subtly of all. The living impressions of a large number of people are<br />

to an immeasurable degree personal in each of them, and unmanageably<br />

complex in the mass. How, then, is any practical relationship<br />

established between what is in people's heads and what is out there<br />

beyond their ken in the environment? How in the language of democratic<br />

theory, do great numbers of people feeling each so privately about so<br />

abstract a picture, develop any common will? How does a simple and<br />

constant idea emerge from this complex of variables? How are those<br />

things known as the Will of the People, or the National Purpose, or<br />

Public Opinion crystallized out of such fleeting and casual imagery?<br />

That there is a real difficulty here was shown <strong>by</strong> an angry tilt in the<br />

spring of 1921 between the American Ambassador to England and a very<br />

large number of other Americans. Mr. Harvey, speaking at a British<br />

dinner table, had assured the world without the least sign of<br />

hesitancy what were the motives of Americans in 1917. [Footnote: _New<br />

York Times_, May 20, 1921.] As he described them, they were not the<br />

motives which President Wilson had insisted upon when _he_<br />

enunciated the American mind. Now, of course, neither Mr. Harvey nor<br />

Mr. Wilson, nor the critics and friends of either, nor any one else,<br />

can know quantitatively and qualitatively what went on in thirty or<br />

forty million adult minds. But what everybody knows is that a war was<br />

fought and won <strong>by</strong> a multitude of efforts, stimulated, no one knows in

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