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PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

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impinge upon the private habits of the followers. That is one great<br />

reason why governments have such a free hand in foreign affairs. Most<br />

of the frictions between two states involve a series of obscure and<br />

long-winded contentions, occasionally on the frontier, but far more<br />

often in regions about which school geographies have supplied no<br />

precise ideas. In Czechoslovakia America is regarded as the Liberator;<br />

in American newspaper paragraphs and musical comedy, in American<br />

conversation <strong>by</strong> and large, it has never been finally settled whether<br />

the country we liberated is Czechoslavia or Jugoslovakia.<br />

In foreign affairs the incidence of policy is for a very long time<br />

confined to an unseen environment. Nothing that happens out there is<br />

felt to be wholly real. And so, because in the ante-bellum period,<br />

nobody has to fight and nobody has to pay, governments go along<br />

according to their lights without much reference to their people. In<br />

local affairs the cost of a policy is more easily visible. And<br />

therefore, all but the most exceptional leaders prefer policies in<br />

which the costs are as far as possible indirect.<br />

They do not like direct taxation. They do not like to pay as they go.<br />

They like long term debts. They like to have the voters believe that<br />

the foreigner will pay. They have always been compelled to calculate<br />

prosperity in terms of the producer rather than in terms of the<br />

consumer, because the incidence on the consumer is distributed over so<br />

many trivial items. Labor leaders have always preferred an increase of<br />

money wages to a decrease in prices. There has always been more<br />

popular interest in the profits of millionaires, which are visible but<br />

comparatively unimportant, than in the wastes of the industrial<br />

system, which are huge but elusive. A legislature dealing with a<br />

shortage of houses, such as exists when this is written, illustrates<br />

this rule, first <strong>by</strong> doing nothing to increase the number of houses,<br />

second <strong>by</strong> smiting the greedy landlord on the hip, third <strong>by</strong><br />

investigating the profiteering builders and working men. For a<br />

constructive policy deals with remote and uninteresting factors, while<br />

a greedy landlord, or a profiteering plumber is visible and immediate.<br />

But while people will readily believe that in an unimagined future and<br />

in unseen places a certain policy will benefit them, the actual<br />

working out of policy follows a different logic from their opinions. A<br />

nation may be induced to believe that jacking up the freight rates<br />

will make the railroads prosperous. But that belief will not make the<br />

roads prosperous, if the impact of those rates on farmers and shippers<br />

is such as to produce a commodity price beyond what the consumer can<br />

pay. Whether the consumer will pay the price depends not upon whether<br />

he nodded his head nine months previously at the proposal to raise<br />

rates and save business, but on whether he now wants a new hat or a<br />

new automobile enough to pay for them.

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