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PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

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faction, rearranging certain jobs, placating a group of people who<br />

want an arsenal in their home town, or a law to stop somebody's vices.<br />

Study the daily activity of any public official who depends on<br />

election and you can enlarge this list. There are Congressmen elected<br />

year after year who never think of dissipating their energy on public<br />

affairs. They prefer to do a little service for a lot of people on a<br />

lot of little subjects, rather than to engage in trying to do a big<br />

service out there in the void. But the number of people to whom any<br />

organization can be a successful valet is limited, and shrewd<br />

politicians take care to attend either the influential, or somebody so<br />

blatantly uninfluential that to pay any attention to him is a mark of<br />

sensational magnanimity. The far greater number who cannot be held <strong>by</strong><br />

favors, the anonymous multitude, receive propaganda.<br />

The established leaders of any organization have great natural<br />

advantages. They are believed to have better sources of information.<br />

The books and papers are in their offices. They took part in the<br />

important conferences. They met the important people. They have<br />

responsibility. It is, therefore, easier for them to secure attention<br />

and to speak in a convincing tone. But also they have a very great<br />

deal of control over the access to the facts. Every official is in<br />

some degree a censor. And since no one can suppress information,<br />

either <strong>by</strong> concealing it or forgetting to mention it, without some<br />

notion of what he wishes the public to know, every leader is in some<br />

degree a propagandist. Strategically placed, and compelled often to<br />

choose even at the best between the equally cogent though conflicting<br />

ideals of safety for the institution, and candor to his public, the<br />

official finds himself deciding more and more consciously what facts,<br />

in what setting, in what guise he shall permit the public to know.<br />

4<br />

That the manufacture of consent is capable of great refinements no<br />

one, I think, denies. The process <strong>by</strong> which public opinions arise is<br />

certainly no less intricate than it has appeared in these pages, and<br />

the opportunities for manipulation open to anyone who understands the<br />

process are plain enough.<br />

The creation of consent is not a new art. It is a very old one which<br />

was supposed to have died out with the appearance of democracy. But it<br />

has not died out. It has, in fact, improved enormously in technic,<br />

because it is now based on analysis rather than on rule of thumb. And<br />

so, as a result of psychological research, coupled with the modern<br />

means of communication, the practice of democracy has turned a corner.<br />

A revolution is taking place, infinitely more significant than any<br />

shifting of economic power.<br />

Within the life of the generation now in control of affairs,

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