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PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

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sums of money are involved anyway. The trust fund might cover the<br />

overhead and capital charges for a certain minimum staff, the sliding<br />

scale might cover the enlargements. At any rate the appropriation<br />

should be put beyond accident, like the payment of any long term<br />

obligation. This is a much less serious way of "tying the hands of<br />

Congress" than is the passage of a Constitutional amendment or the<br />

issuance of government bonds. Congress could repeal the charter. But<br />

it would have to repeal it, not throw monkey wrenches into it.<br />

Tenure should be for life, with provision for retirement on a liberal<br />

pension, with sabbatical years set aside for advanced study and<br />

training, and with dismissal only after a trial <strong>by</strong> professional<br />

colleagues. The conditions which apply to any non-profit-making<br />

intellectual career should apply here. If the work is to be salient,<br />

the men who do it must have dignity, security, and, in the upper ranks<br />

at least, that freedom of mind which you find only where men are not<br />

too immediately concerned in practical decision.<br />

Access to the materials should be established in the organic act. The<br />

bureau should have the right to examine all papers, and to question<br />

any official or any outsider. Continuous investigation of this sort<br />

would not at all resemble the sensational legislative inquiry and the<br />

spasmodic fishing expedition which are now a common feature of our<br />

government. The bureau should have the right to propose accounting<br />

methods to the department, and if the proposal is rejected, or<br />

violated after it has been accepted, to appeal under its charter to<br />

Congress.<br />

In the first instance each intelligence bureau would be the connecting<br />

link between Congress and the Department, a better link, in my<br />

judgment, than the appearance of cabinet officers on the floor of both<br />

House and Senate, though the one proposal in no way excludes the<br />

other. The bureau would be the Congressional eye on the execution of<br />

its policy. It would be the departmental answer to Congressional<br />

criticism. And then, since operation of the Department would be<br />

permanently visible, perhaps Congress would cease to feel the need of<br />

that minute legislation born of distrust and a false doctrine of the<br />

separation of powers, which does so much to make efficient<br />

administration difficult.<br />

5<br />

But, of course, each of the ten bureaus could not work in a watertight<br />

compartment. In their relation one to another lies the best chance for<br />

that "coordination" of which so much is heard and so little seen.<br />

Clearly the various staffs would need to adopt, wherever possible,<br />

standards of measurement that were comparable. They would exchange<br />

their records. Then if the War Department and the Post Office both buy

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