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PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

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All these considerations entered into the making of the Fourteen<br />

Points. No one man may have had them all in mind, but all the men<br />

concerned had some of them in mind. Against this background let us<br />

examine certain aspects of the document. The first five points and the<br />

fourteenth deal with "open diplomacy," "freedom of the seas," "equal<br />

trade opportunities," "reduction of armaments," no imperialist<br />

annexation of colonies, and the League of Nations. They might be<br />

described as a statement of the popular generalizations in which<br />

everyone at that time professed to believe. But number three is more<br />

specific. It was aimed consciously and directly at the resolutions of<br />

the Paris Economic Conference, and was meant to relieve the German<br />

people of their fear of suffocation.<br />

Number six is the first point dealing with a particular nation. It was<br />

intended as a reply to Russian suspicion of the Allies, and the<br />

eloquence of its promises was attuned to the drama of Brest-Litovsk.<br />

Number seven deals with Belgium, and is as unqualified in form and<br />

purpose as was the conviction of practically the whole world,<br />

including very large sections of Central Europe. Over number eight we<br />

must pause. It begins with an absolute demand for evacuation and<br />

restoration of French territory, and then passes on to the question of<br />

Alsace-Lorraine. The phrasing of this clause most perfectly<br />

illustrates the character of a public statement which must condense a<br />

vast complex of interests in a few words. "And the wrong done to<br />

France <strong>by</strong> Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has<br />

unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be<br />

righted. ..." Every word here was chosen with meticulous care. The<br />

wrong done should be righted; why not say that Alsace-Lorraine should<br />

be restored? It was not said, because it was not certain that all of<br />

the French _at that time_ would fight on indefinitely for<br />

reannexation if they were offered a plebiscite; and because it was<br />

even less certain whether the English and Italians would fight on. The<br />

formula had, therefore, to cover both contingencies. The word<br />

"righted" guaranteed satisfaction to France, but did not read as a<br />

commitment to simple annexation. But why speak of the wrong done <strong>by</strong><br />

_Prussia_ in _1871_? The word Prussia was, of course, intended<br />

to remind the South Germans that Alsace-Lorraine belonged not to<br />

them but to Prussia. Why speak of peace unsettled for "fifty years,"<br />

and why the use of "1871"? In the first place, what the French and<br />

the rest of the world remembered was 1871. That was the nodal<br />

point of their grievance. But the formulators of the Fourteen Points<br />

knew that French officialdom planned for more than the Alsace-Lorraine<br />

of 1871. The secret memoranda that had passed between the Czar's<br />

ministers and French officials in 1916 covered the annexation of the<br />

Saar Valley and some sort of dismemberment of the Rhineland. It was<br />

planned to include the Saar Valley under the term "Alsace-Lorraine"<br />

because it had been part of Alsace-Lorraine in 1814, though it had<br />

been detached in 1815, and was no part of the territory at the close

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