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PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

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CHAPTER XV<br />

LEADERS AND THE RANK AND FILE<br />

I<br />

BECAUSE of their transcendent practical importance, no successful<br />

leader has ever been too busy to cultivate the symbols which organize<br />

his following. What privileges do within the hierarchy, symbols do for<br />

the rank and file. They conserve unity. From the totem pole to the<br />

national flag, from the wooden idol to God the Invisible King, from<br />

the magic word to some diluted version of Adam Smith or Bentham,<br />

symbols have been cherished <strong>by</strong> leaders, many of whom were themselves<br />

unbelievers, because they were focal points where differences merged.<br />

The detached observer may scorn the "star-spangled" ritual which<br />

hedges the symbol, perhaps as much as the king who told himself that<br />

Paris was worth a few masses. But the leader knows <strong>by</strong> experience that<br />

only when symbols have done their work is there a handle he can use to<br />

move a crowd. In the symbol emotion is discharged at a common target,<br />

and the idiosyncrasy of real ideas blotted out. No wonder he hates<br />

what he calls destructive criticism, sometimes called <strong>by</strong> free spirits<br />

the elimination of buncombe. "Above all things," says Bagehot, "our<br />

royalty is to be reverenced, and if you begin to poke about it you<br />

cannot reverence it." [Footnote: _The English Constitution,_ p.<br />

127. D. Appleton & Company, 1914.] For poking about with clear<br />

definitions and candid statements serves all high purposes known to<br />

man, except the easy conservation of a common will. Poking about, as<br />

every responsible leader suspects, tends to break the transference of<br />

emotion from the individual mind to the institutional symbol. And the<br />

first result of that is, as he rightly says, a chaos of individualism<br />

and warring sects. The disintegration of a symbol, like Holy Russia,<br />

or the Iron Diaz, is always the beginning of a long upheaval.<br />

These great symbols possess <strong>by</strong> transference all the minute and<br />

detailed loyalties of an ancient and stereotyped society. They evoke<br />

the feeling that each individual has for the landscape, the furniture,<br />

the faces, the memories that are his first, and in a static society,<br />

his only reality. That core of images and devotions without which he<br />

is unthinkable to himself, is nationality. The great symbols take up<br />

these devotions, and can arouse them without calling forth the<br />

primitive images. The lesser symbols of public debate, the more casual<br />

chatter of politics, are always referred back to these proto-symbols,<br />

and if possible associated with them. The question of a proper fare on<br />

a municipal subway is symbolized as an issue between the People and<br />

the Interests, and then the People is inserted in the symbol American,<br />

so that finally in the heat of a campaign, an eight cent fare becomes<br />

unAmerican. The Revolutionary fathers died to prevent it. Lincoln

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