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PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

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Whenever we make an appeal to reason in politics, the difficulty in<br />

this parable recurs. For there is an inherent difficulty about using<br />

the method of reason to deal with an unreasoning world. Even if you<br />

assume with Plato that the true pilot knows what is best for the ship,<br />

you have to recall that he is not so easy to recognize, and that this<br />

uncertainty leaves a large part of the crew unconvinced. By definition<br />

the crew does not know what he knows, and the pilot, fascinated <strong>by</strong> the<br />

stars and winds, does not know how to make the crew realize the<br />

importance of what he knows. There is no time during mutiny at sea to<br />

make each sailor an expert judge of experts. There is no time for the<br />

pilot to consult his crew and find out whether he is really as wise as<br />

he thinks he is. For education is a matter of years, the emergency a<br />

matter of hours. It would be altogether academic, then, to tell the<br />

pilot that the true remedy is, for example, an education that will<br />

endow sailors with a better sense of evidence. You can tell that only<br />

to shipmasters on dry land. In the crisis, the only advice is to use a<br />

gun, or make a speech, utter a stirring slogan, offer a compromise,<br />

employ any quick means available to quell the mutiny, the sense of<br />

evidence being what it is. It is only on shore where men plan for many<br />

voyages, that they can afford to, and must for their own salvation,<br />

deal with those causes that take a long time to remove. They will be<br />

dealing in years and generations, not in emergencies alone. And<br />

nothing will put a greater strain upon their wisdom than the necessity<br />

of distinguishing false crises from real ones. For when there is panic<br />

in the air, with one crisis tripping over the heels of another, actual<br />

dangers mixed with imaginary scares, there is no chance at all for the<br />

constructive use of reason, and any order soon seems preferable to any<br />

disorder.<br />

It is only on the premise of a certain stability over a long run of<br />

time that men can hope to follow the method of reason. This is not<br />

because mankind is inept, or because the appeal to reason is<br />

visionary, but because the evolution of reason on political subjects<br />

is only in its beginnings. Our rational ideas in politics are still<br />

large, thin generalities, much too abstract and unrefined for<br />

practical guidance, except where the aggregates are large enough to<br />

cancel out individual peculiarity and exhibit large uniformities.<br />

Reason in politics is especially immature in predicting the behavior<br />

of individual men, because in human conduct the smallest initial<br />

variation often works out into the most elaborate differences. That,<br />

perhaps, is why when we try to insist solely upon an appeal to reason<br />

in dealing with sudden situations, we are broken and drowned in<br />

laughter.<br />

4<br />

For the rate at which reason, as we possess it, can advance itself is

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