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PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

PUBLIC OPINION by WALTER LIPPMANN TO FAYE LIPPMANN ...

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3<br />

Leaders often pretend that they have merely uncovered a program which<br />

existed in the minds of their public. When they believe it, they are<br />

usually deceiving themselves. Programs do not invent themselves<br />

synchronously in a multitude of minds. That is not because a multitude<br />

of minds is necessarily inferior to that of the leaders, but because<br />

thought is the function of an organism, and a mass is not an organism.<br />

This fact is obscured because the mass is constantly exposed to<br />

suggestion. It reads not the news, but the news with an aura of<br />

suggestion about it, indicating the line of action to be taken. It<br />

hears reports, not objective as the facts are, but already stereotyped<br />

to a certain pattern of behavior. Thus the ostensible leader often<br />

finds that the real leader is a powerful newspaper proprietor. But if,<br />

as in a laboratory, one could remove all suggestion and leading from<br />

the experience of a multitude, one would, I think, find something like<br />

this: A mass exposed to the same stimuli would develop responses that<br />

could theoretically be charted in a polygon of error. There would be a<br />

certain group that felt sufficiently alike to be classified together.<br />

There would be variants of feeling at both ends. These classifications<br />

would tend to harden as individuals in each of the classifications<br />

made their reactions vocal. That is to say, when the vague feelings of<br />

those who felt vaguely had been put into words, they would know more<br />

definitely what they felt, and would then feel it more definitely.<br />

Leaders in touch with popular feeling are quickly conscious of these<br />

reactions. They know that high prices are pressing upon the mass, or<br />

that certain classes of individuals are becoming unpopular, or that<br />

feeling towards another nation is friendly or hostile. But, always<br />

barring the effect of suggestion which is merely the assumption of<br />

leadership <strong>by</strong> the reporter, there would be nothing in the feeling of<br />

the mass that fatally determined the choice of any particular policy.<br />

All that the feeling of the mass demands is that policy as it is<br />

developed and exposed shall be, if not logically, then <strong>by</strong> analogy and<br />

association, connected with the original feeling.<br />

So when a new policy is to be launched, there is a preliminary bid for<br />

community of feeling, as in Mark Antony's speech to the followers of<br />

Brutus. [Footnote: Excellently analyzed in Martin, _The Behavior of<br />

Crowds,_ pp. 130-132,] In the first phase, the leader vocalizes the<br />

prevalent opinion of the mass. He identifies himself with the familiar<br />

attitudes of his audience, sometimes <strong>by</strong> telling a good story,<br />

sometimes <strong>by</strong> brandishing his patriotism, often <strong>by</strong> pinching a<br />

grievance. Finding that he is trustworthy, the multitude milling<br />

hither and thither may turn in towards him. He will then be expected<br />

to set forth a plan of campaign. But he will not find that plan in the<br />

slogans which convey the feelings of the mass. It will not even always

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