Crossroads: The Psychology of Immigration in the New Century

to learn English (Bayley & Regan, 2004). The research
is quite clear, however—there is consistent language
assimilation within a generation (Alba et al., 2002; Portes
& Schauffler, 1994; Wong Fillmore, 1991). Latinos/as,
frequently charged with being most resistant to learning
English, are acquiring fluency. The National Center for
Education Statistics reports that 76% of Latinos 16–24
years of age self-report speaking English “well” or “very
well” (U.S. Department of Education, 1995). Further,
a Pew national survey found that 96% of foreign-born
Latinos reported that it was important to them that their
children learn English (Pew Hispanic Center/Kaiser Family
Foundation, 2004).
In a study of 5,000 first- and second-generation immigrant
adolescents from diverse origins in Florida and California,
a rapid loss of language was found from the first to the
second generation (Portes & Hao, 1998). Indeed, because of
the historical pattern of rapid new language acquisition and
home language loss for immigrants across generations, the
United States has been called a “cemetery for languages” by
Harvard sociologist Stanley Lieberson (Lieberson, Dalto, &
Johnston, 1975).
Religious Diversity
Religion is a fundamental part of life for most people
throughout the world (Holden & Vittrup, 2009). Newly
arrived immigrant adults and children who are feeling
disoriented in their new land are particularly likely to turn
to their religious communities in times of transition (Levitt,
2007; Stepick, 2005).
During the last 3 decades, the immigrant population in the
United States has had an impact on the country’s religious
makeup (Eck, 2001; Levitt, 2007). Although participation in
the Catholic Church by U.S.-born residents has decreased
in recent decades, participation by the U.S. immigrant
population from Latin America and the Caribbean has
increased (Eck, 2001). In addition, immigrants from
Central America and the Caribbean who were converted
to evangelical churches prior to migration continue their
participation after migration, and networks of relatives
perpetuate further conversions as immigrants are drawn to
religious institutions in search of support networks (Levitt,
2007). Largely because of migration, participation in the
non–Judeo Christian religions combined (Islam, Hinduism,
Sikhism, and others) has grown in the United States from
0.8% to 2.6% from 1970 to 2000 (Eck, 2001; Pew Forum
on Religious Life, 2008). The “world religions” predictably
account for the most significant nexus and religiosity in the
United States (Eck, 2001; Pew Forum on Religious Life,
2008).
Diverse Destinations
The top destination states for immigrants have and continue
to be California, New York, Florida, Texas, and Illinois
(CBO, 2011). In the past 2 decades, however, a growing
number of locales with no previous immigrant population
have experienced unprecedented rates of new migration
(CBO, 2011; Massey, 2010). Proportionally, southern states
have experienced the most dramatic change in immigrant
population. Between 2000 and 2007, the largest increases
in foreign-born population growths occurred in South
Carolina (63.8%), Arkansas (60.7%), Tennessee (56.9%), and
Alabama (56.4%) (Terrazas & Batalova, 2010). Growth is
occurring in other new destination states as well, including
places like Nevada and Massachusetts (Massey, 2010). New
rural destinations with little or no previous experience
with immigrant populations have found the transition
particularly challenging (Fennelly & Federico, 2008; Massey,
2010) due to cultural isolation, lack of ethnic resources, and
xenophobia.
20 Report of the APA Presidential Task Force on Immigration