Crossroads: The Psychology of Immigration in the New Century

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Considerations for the Field The United States today is host to its largest number of new immigrants in history. But as a nation of immigrants, the United States has successfully negotiated larger proportions of newcomers in its past, and it is not alone among OECD nations in encountering immigrant populations today (see The Why and Who of Immigration). In this time of economic crisis, immigrants are routinely becoming the subjects of negative media coverage, hate crimes, and strict legislation on the municipal, state, and federal levels (see Introduction). This adverse climate can have negative repercussions for immigrants themselves and for their citizen children, many of whom, as previously mentioned, are U.S. citizens (see the Social Context of Reception and Immigrant Adaptation). In comparison to the disciplines of sociology, demography, and economics, psychology has been slow to recognize the growth in the immigrant population over the last few decades (C. Suárez-Orozco & Carhill, 2008; C. Suárez-Orozco & Qin, 2006). Yet these individuals and their children are an ever-growing presence in U.S. schools, communities, clinics, and the larger society. Scholarship in psychology has only recently acknowledged this demographic shift, often confounding immigrants with other ethnic minority populations and rarely considering first- or second-generation distinctions (see the Introduction). Given the demographic imperative, the field of psychology is long overdue to take stock of the situation. In this report, the APA Presidential Task Force on Immigration aimed to provide an account of what is known and what needs to be known about immigrant adults (including older adults), children and adolescents, and families. We were particularly interested in addressing the psychological experience of immigration by considering factors that both facilitate and impede adjustment and using ecological and strength-based perspectives. We concurred with the surgeon general’s recommendation that a culturally congruent perspective is essential when working with diverse populations. The intent was to provide clear guidelines to frame research, practice, education, and policy agendas. The literature, however, revealed that evidence in the field is flawed for a variety of reasons. Summaries of these limitations and recommendations to move the field of psychology forward in its approach to immigration follow. Methodological Challenges It is not sufficient to conduct research on ethnically diverse populations without documenting the diversity of patterns across groups. In many studies, immigration status or generation is ignored or omitted. When it is considered at all, it is often confounded with race or ethnicity or used as a “controlled variable.” To do so is misleading, as immigration, culture, race, and ethnicity are separate categories and are embedded within the context of several potential mediators, moderators, and outcomes (APA, 2010c). While constructs may be shared across groups, their expression may be culturally and socially defined. Thus, it is not sufficient to conduct research on ethnically diverse populations without documenting the diversity of patterns across groups. Further, much of the research with immigrants has not considered the heterogeneity within different immigrant communities (García Coll & Marks, 2011; C. Suárez-Orozco & Carhill, 2008). Research should examine similarities and differences in mental health and use of services across immigrant generations (i.e., first, 1.5, second, and third), and by gender, race, heritage, age, sexual orientation, religion, social class, education, English language proficiency, and disability/ability, as well as country of origin. To conduct valid research with immigrant-origin populations and 74 Report of the APA Presidential Task Force on Immigration
develop a robust evidence base for practice and policy interventions, researchers must address a number of issues. Sampling Research must not focus solely on clinical samples (i.e., individuals demonstrating adaptational problems or reactions that require clinical attention). Relying on such samples makes it impossible to get an accurate picture of the distribution of mental health and adjustment problems in the general U.S. immigrant population (APA, 2010c). Drawing from clinic populations will lead to overestimates of pathology (APA, 2010c). On the other hand, drawing from large-scale national studies that have not parsed out generational status or national origins will underestimate prevalence rates. Further, accurate estimates of characteristics of diverse immigrant populations are impossible to draw from national studies unless they purposely oversample from the smaller immigrant communities. A representative, comprehensive general population survey of first- and second-generation immigrants is difficult to conduct for a variety of reasons, including funding, the difficulties of validating and translating instruments across groups and obtaining widely representative community samples, and historically low rates of participation. Without such research, however, knowledge about this important and growing population will remain limited. Concomitantly, such research should incorporate a strength- and resilience-based focus (Vasquez, 2010). Cultural Validity and Reliability of Constructs Valid and meaningful assessment of mental health constructs within and across different cultural groups and settings is essential to educational outcomes and the mental health of immigrant-origin adults (including older adults), children and adolescents, and families. To construct valid and culturally meaningful research, psychology must further the understanding of how different cultural groups vary in beliefs and cultural practices around well-being, distress, and healing (see APA, 2002, for a discussion of multicultural issues in the context of assessment). Contributions from cultural psychology and anthropology are particularly instructive in this regard (see Kleinman’s [1987] work on “category fallacy” for an example). In addition to identifying cultural-specific expressions of well-being and distress, researchers must critically examine constructs developed in a Western middle-class context Considerations for the Field before applying them to non-Western, non-middle-class participants (APA, 2010c). Combining “outsider” (etic) and “insider” (emic) approaches to diverse populations is important in both data collection and analysis (APA, 2010c; Cooper, Jackson, Azmitia, & Lopez, 1998; C. Suárez-Orozco & Carhill, 2008). Bicultural and bilingual researchers are better able to establish rapport and trust within immigrant communities and gain entry into populations that might otherwise be difficult to access. Further, insiders are essential for appropriate linguistic and cultural translations of protocols. Their perspective is also necessary for accurate and culturally relevant interpretations. Expressions of distress may vary considerably from one cultural group to another, with somatization or malaise being the predominant presentation of depression rather than the “classic” sadness or difficulties with concentration. Once culturally specific measures are developed, they can be assessed for validity through a number of strategies, including the measure’s correlation with similar measures, assessment of its relationship with theory, and assessment of its capacity to reliably discriminate between the populations it is intended to assess (APA, 2010c; K. E. Miller, Omidian, et al, 2006). Triangulation of Data and the Use of Multiple Informants Using triangulated data collected from a variety of perspectives and including a variety of strategies is crucial when conducting research with groups of diverse backgrounds. Such an approach provides more confidence that data are accurately capturing the phenomenon under consideration. By gathering a variety of perspectives—selfreports, parent reports, teacher reports (in the case of youth), and community member reports (in the case of adults)— and considering these alongside researcher observations, concurrence and disconnections can be established among what informants say they do, what others say they do, and what the researcher sees them do. Researchers should consider various levels of analysis in their research, including the individual, interpersonal relations (e.g., peers and family), context-specific social groups (e.g., work, school, neighborhood, and place of worship), and cultural dimensions (APA, 2010c; C. Suárez-Orozco & Carhill, 2008). Developmental and Longitudinal Perspectives The majority of available studies with immigrants are cross-sectional in nature. While valuable in their own right, these data by nature limit the ability to detect changes over 75
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Report of the APA Presidential Task
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Crossroads The Psychology of ImmIgr
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Preface One of the benefits of serv
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Diane Elmore, PhD (APA Public Inter
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2011; C. Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-O
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2010; M. H. Lopez & Taylor, 2010).
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designed with their educational obs
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al., 2006), communication problems
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Sloan, & Sperling, 2011) and toward
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• The mesosystem is made up of in
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lesbian, gay, bisexual, disabilitie
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contributed to the growth of undocu
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All other countries 42% FIGURE 3. T
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to learn English (Bayley & Regan, 2
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Exclusion Act of 1882) specifically
Page 34 and 35: and mental health outcomes. Discrim
Page 36 and 37: adaptation: acculturation, Cultural
Page 38 and 39: In a number of studies, strong iden
Page 40 and 41: documented the problems caused by a
Page 42 and 43: Populations Facing Unique Challenge
Page 44 and 45: American region (Mexico, Canada, Ce
Page 46 and 47: the government or a group the gover
Page 48 and 49: Notably, in 2000, approximately 650
Page 50 and 51: often rely on their ethnic immigran
Page 52 and 53: Life span Considerations Looking at
Page 54 and 55: Transition to adulthood in the Unit
Page 56 and 57: In a study of Korean elders, there
Page 58 and 59: those of native English speakers an
Page 60 and 61: linguistic group in the United Stat
Page 62 and 63: or deported, immigration officials
Page 64 and 65: Immigrant students whose education
Page 66 and 67: to read in the home language promot
Page 68 and 69: & Mapp, 2002). Teachers, in turn, v
Page 70 and 71: In a knowledge-intensive economy, h
Page 72 and 73: separation from country of origin,
Page 74 and 75: As individuals negotiate their iden
Page 76 and 77: Barriers to Treatment While an incr
Page 78 and 79: and traditional mental health setti
Page 80 and 81: effective than those conducted in E
Page 82 and 83: development, to remediation). Thera
Page 86 and 87: time. For example, under what condi
Page 88 and 89: summary of recommendations Recommen
Page 90 and 91: • Support opportunities for dialo
Page 92 and 93: Culture brokering: When children of
Page 94 and 95: Protective factors: Conditions in f
Page 96 and 97: eferences Abraham, M. (2000). Isola
Page 98 and 99: Bedolla, L. G. (2000). They and we:
Page 100 and 101: Carhill, A., Suárez-Orozco, C., &
Page 102 and 103: Delgado-Gaitan, C. (1994, April). M
Page 104 and 105: Gee, G. C., Spencer, M., Chen, J.,
Page 106 and 107: www.splcenter.org/get-informed/inte
Page 108 and 109: LaFromboise, T., Coleman, H. L., &
Page 110 and 111: McKitrick, D. S., Edwards, T. A., &
Page 112 and 113: psychological, and educational appl
Page 114 and 115: Robjant, K., Hassan, R., & Katona,
Page 116 and 117: Stepick, A., Stepick, C. D., & Labi
Page 118 and 119: the job that’s tough”: The ELL
Page 120 and 121: Waters, M. C., & Jiménez, T. R. (2
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