Crossroads: The Psychology of Immigration in the New Century

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Populations Facing Unique Challenges This section addresses populations that face unique challenges through the migratory process. Their particular needs or viewpoints are typically overlooked or unrecognized in both the research scholarship and treatment interventions. Women and Girls In the past 2 decades, there has been a worldwide trend toward the “feminization” of migration, with more women migrating than men. In 2009, the U.S. Census estimated there were equal distributions of foreign-born men and women (U.S. Census Bureau, 2009b). Women, however, tend to have higher rates of legal migration (52% vs. 48% in 2004), while men are more likely to be unauthorized (58% vs. 42%) (Fry, 2006). In 2008, immigrant women were twice as likely as immigrant men to be widowed, divorced, or separated; were less likely than immigrant men to have a bachelor’s or an advanced degree; and were more likely than immigrant men to live in poverty (Migration Policy Institute, 2009). One salient challenge that immigrant women face involves changing gender roles and conceptualizations of sexuality. As gender roles can vary significantly between country of origin and the United States, women sometimes experience increased sexual freedom and are less likely to adhere to traditional roles, but at other times they may feel oppressed by the demands of the new cultural context (Espín, 2006; I. López, Dent, Ecosto, & Prado-Steiman, 2011). For example, many women report feeling burdened by the demands of family life without the support of extended family in the country of origin. For many lesbian and bisexual women, relocating to the United States may provide an increased sense of freedom and more opportunities to openly express and explore their sexual orientation. However, they may continue to feel vulnerable and marginalized in both mainstream society and their respective ethnic communities (Espín, 2006; I. López, Dent, et al., 2011). While many immigrant women feel empowered when they adopt more egalitarian roles in the United States (Morash, Bui, Zhang, & Holtfreter, 2007), they are also challenged by increased stress within their family units as gender roles become redefined. Changes in gender roles not only shape family dynamics but also can pose a serious risk to immigrant women. Several studies highlight the risk of violence against immigrant women fostered in patriarchal family structures by disagreements about gender roles and family life (Ahmad, Riaz, Barata, & Stewart, 2004; Morash et al., 2007). Furthermore, women may be reluctant to seek help for interpersonal violence situations for various reasons, such as stigma associated with abuse within the ethnic community; lack of awareness of where to seek help; limited financial resources; anxiety about seeking help from professionals not knowledgeable about their cultural values; a wish to preserve close family ties; cultural and religious beliefs about divorce; and fear related to loss of immigration status, deportation, and separation from their children (Tummala-Narra, in press). Stress within the family is sometimes compounded by experiences of multiple forms of discrimination outside the home, including sexism, racism, ageism, classism, and homophobia. For example, in the case of Muslim immigrant women, ongoing scrutiny in the media and mainstream society more broadly concerning women’s dress and religious beliefs perpetuate negative stereotypes. In fact, research indicates that Muslim women who cover their hair report more discrimination than those who do not (Sirin & Fine, 2008). With respect to policy, the 2010 Arizona immigration legislation is an example of a xenophobic policy that poses a danger to women immigrants, who are vulnerable to interpersonal and political violence (e.g., rape, physical assault, and separation from their children), lack access to physical health care, and fear detention and deportation. This is particularly true for Latina immigrants, who are at an increased risk for continued exploitation by police and immigration authorities in U.S. states bordering Mexico (Comas-Díaz, 2010; Tummala-Narra, in press). 32 Report of the APA Presidential Task Force on Immigration
Immigrant mothers tend to be highly motivated to provide new opportunities for their children. This is also true of immigrant mothers who work in the new country to help provide financially for their children who still reside in the country of origin (Paris, 2008). Many immigrant women become the carriers of cultural and spiritual traditions for their families. At the same time, the transmission of these traditions can be complicated when immigrant mothers do not have regular communication with their mothers or maternal caregivers who live in the country of origin. Additionally, immigrant mothers may contend with conflicting norms concerning the role of mothers in their children’s lives, such as Western conceptions of healthy attachment rooted in values of individualism compared with collectivistic values of interdependence within the family. Paralleling the trajectories of immigrant women, immigrant adolescent girls tend to develop stronger connections with their ethnic heritage and communities when compared with boys, who may be more concerned with overcoming social inequalities within the dominant culture (C. Suárez-Orozco & Qin, 2006). During adolescence, parents also tend to monitor immigrant girls more closely than boys (C. Suárez-Orozco & Qin, 2006). Immigrant girls and women also adapt to changing body ideals. While body image can be important for both men and women, it has been found to be disproportionately associated with mental health problems in women (Grabe & Hyde, 2006). Immigrant women are often faced with new norms concerning physical features such as skin color, hair texture, and eye shape after moving to the United States, all of which are rooted in racial and political histories of different ethnic groups. These new norms concerning the body are not only relevant to how immigrant women’s bodies may become “raced” but also can have important implications for acculturation, cultural identity, and racial identity (Tummala- Narra, 2007b). For example, in one study, immigrant Latinas with darker skin were found to experience lower self-esteem, lower feelings of attractiveness, and a desire for lighter skin color when compared with U.S.-born Latinas (Telzer & Vazquez Garcia, 2009). Populations Facing Unique Challenges Immigrant mothers may contend with conflicting norms concerning the role of mothers in their children’s lives, such as Western conceptions of healthy attachment rooted in values of individualism compared with collectivistic values of interdependence within the family. Despite the numerous types of stress that immigrant women face, their participation in and contribution to their families, communities, and broader society raises important questions about stress, coping, and resilience. Future research can investigate how immigrant women negotiate contradictory expectations concerning gender, race, ethnicity, and sexual orientation within their ethnic communities and mainstream contexts. Additionally, future studies can examine issues particularly salient to immigrant women, such as discrimination, parenting, family and peer relationships, interpersonal and political violence, body image, employment, and academic and professional development. Undocumented Immigrants and Their Children Undocumented immigrants are those who live in the United States without legal authorization to do so. These individuals are not U.S. citizens, do not hold current permanent resident visas, and have not been permitted admission under a specific set of rules for longer term residence and work permits (Passel & Cohn, 2009). During the boom economic years in the last quarter of the last century and the coinciding period of deregulation, the undocumented immigrant population grew dramatically from less than one million in 1980 to a peak of nearly 12 million in 1996 (Hoefer et al., 2009). Between 2007 and 2009, however, the undocumented population declined by one million, coinciding with the economic downturn (Hoefer et al., 2009; Passel & Taylor, 2010). The current estimate of the undocumented population is 10.8 million. Approximately 19% entered the United States prior to the 1990s, 44% entered during the 1990s, and another 37% have entered since 2000 (Hoefer et al., 2009). An estimated 60% arrive “uninspected” across the U.S. southern or northern borders, and an estimated 40% are “visa overstayers” (Hoefer et al., 2009). It is estimated that 8.5 million undocumented immigrants in the United States are from the North 33
Page 1 and 2: Report of the APA Presidential Task
Page 3: Crossroads The Psychology of ImmIgr
Page 7: Preface One of the benefits of serv
Page 10 and 11: Diane Elmore, PhD (APA Public Inter
Page 12 and 13: 2011; C. Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-O
Page 14 and 15: 2010; M. H. Lopez & Taylor, 2010).
Page 16 and 17: designed with their educational obs
Page 18 and 19: al., 2006), communication problems
Page 20 and 21: Sloan, & Sperling, 2011) and toward
Page 22 and 23: • The mesosystem is made up of in
Page 24 and 25: lesbian, gay, bisexual, disabilitie
Page 26 and 27: contributed to the growth of undocu
Page 28 and 29: All other countries 42% FIGURE 3. T
Page 30 and 31: to learn English (Bayley & Regan, 2
Page 32 and 33: Exclusion Act of 1882) specifically
Page 34 and 35: and mental health outcomes. Discrim
Page 36 and 37: adaptation: acculturation, Cultural
Page 38 and 39: In a number of studies, strong iden
Page 40 and 41: documented the problems caused by a
Page 44 and 45: American region (Mexico, Canada, Ce
Page 46 and 47: the government or a group the gover
Page 48 and 49: Notably, in 2000, approximately 650
Page 50 and 51: often rely on their ethnic immigran
Page 52 and 53: Life span Considerations Looking at
Page 54 and 55: Transition to adulthood in the Unit
Page 56 and 57: In a study of Korean elders, there
Page 58 and 59: those of native English speakers an
Page 60 and 61: linguistic group in the United Stat
Page 62 and 63: or deported, immigration officials
Page 64 and 65: Immigrant students whose education
Page 66 and 67: to read in the home language promot
Page 68 and 69: & Mapp, 2002). Teachers, in turn, v
Page 70 and 71: In a knowledge-intensive economy, h
Page 72 and 73: separation from country of origin,
Page 74 and 75: As individuals negotiate their iden
Page 76 and 77: Barriers to Treatment While an incr
Page 78 and 79: and traditional mental health setti
Page 80 and 81: effective than those conducted in E
Page 82 and 83: development, to remediation). Thera
Page 84 and 85: Considerations for the Field The Un
Page 86 and 87: time. For example, under what condi
Page 88 and 89: summary of recommendations Recommen
Page 90 and 91: • Support opportunities for dialo
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Culture brokering: When children of
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Protective factors: Conditions in f
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eferences Abraham, M. (2000). Isola
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Bedolla, L. G. (2000). They and we:
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Carhill, A., Suárez-Orozco, C., &
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Delgado-Gaitan, C. (1994, April). M
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Gee, G. C., Spencer, M., Chen, J.,
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www.splcenter.org/get-informed/inte
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LaFromboise, T., Coleman, H. L., &
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McKitrick, D. S., Edwards, T. A., &
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psychological, and educational appl
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Robjant, K., Hassan, R., & Katona,
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Stepick, A., Stepick, C. D., & Labi
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the job that’s tough”: The ELL
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Waters, M. C., & Jiménez, T. R. (2
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AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION
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