Crossroads: The Psychology of Immigration in the New Century

& Gold, 2006), exposure to gangs (Passel & Cohn, 2009),
immigration raids in the community, the arbitrary checking
of family members’ documentation status (e.g., Arizona
SB 1070, Secure Communities Act), forcible removal or
separation from their family for an indeterminate period of
time (Capps et al., 2007), discovery upon returning home
that their family has been taken away, violation of their
home by authorities, placement in detention camps or in
child welfare, and deportation to their country of origin.
A report by the Urban Institute (Chaudry et al., 2010) titled
Facing Our Future: Children in the Aftermath of Immigration
Enforcement documents the effects of these traumatic
experiences on children. The report indicates that the
vast majority of children whose parents were detained in
U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids in the
workplace and home exhibited multiple behavioral changes
in the aftermath of parental detention, including anxiety,
frequent crying, changes in eating and sleeping patterns,
withdrawal, and anger. Such behavioral changes were
documented 2 to 3 months after the arrest, as well as at a
9-month follow-up. It is disturbing to note that the children
also experienced dramatic increases in housing instability
and food insecurity, which are both dimensions of basic
well-being (Chaudry et al., 2010).
Such traumatic and challenging experiences and transitions
can produce a range of psychological problems (Capps et al.,
2007), including poor identity formation, inability to form
relationships (R. G. Gonzáles, 2010), PTSD, acculturation
stress, intergenerational conflict (Kohatsu, Concepción,
& Perez, 2010), feelings of persecution, high distrust of
institutions and authority figures, fear of school, inability
to concentrate, acting-out behaviors, eating disorders, loss
of motivation (i.e., lowered aspirations and expectations),
depression, anxiety, difficulties in school performance and
matriculation (C. Suárez-Orozco et al., 2008), and dropping
out of school (Capps et al., 2007). Research on various types
of traumatic exposure—interpersonal, political, and racial—
within different immigrant communities is sorely needed to
better understand how sociocultural context supports and/
or burdens trauma survivors.
Discrimination- and Racism-Based Presenting Problems
Immigrants, especially those of color, are often the targets
of discriminatory practices (M. H. Lopez et al., 2010) or
at least the victims of microaggressions (D. W. Sue et al.,
2007) (see the Social Context of Reception and Immigrant
Immigrant Populations in Clinical Contexts
Adaptation section). Whether subtle or overt, the negative
impact of discrimination on the psychological well-being of
an individual is still the same (D. W. Sue et al., 2007). Both
overt and aversive forms of racism and microaggressions
have important implications for immigrant individuals’ sense
of well-being and belonging (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2004;
D. W. Sue, 2010). Specifically, experiences of racial/ethnic
discrimination have been associated with mental health
problems, including depression, anxiety, substance abuse, and
suicidal ideation (Alegría et al., 2004; Cheng et al., 2010;
Gee et al., 2007; A. G. Tran, Lee, & Burgess, 2010; Tummala-
Narra, Alegría, & Chen, 2011) (see the APA Resolution on
Prejudice, Stereotypes, and Discrimination; APA, 2006).
Negative and potentially hurtful stereotypes, when ascribed
to immigrants, can further result in a loss of personal control,
especially for young immigrants (Flores & Kaplan, 2009).
Profiling contributes to a social atmosphere that produces fear
and anxiety for those immigrants, especially those of color,
who might possibly live in fear of being spotted and deported.
This is especially relevant in the context of some highly
publicized laws that allow law enforcement to actively seek
out perceived immigrants (e.g., Arizona SB 1070). A unique
factor relative to undocumented immigrants is that they may
experience guilt and shame and are often treated as “secondclass”
persons (M. M. Sullivan & Rehm, 2005). In summary,
the racial and political contexts of the adopted country
affect immigrant adults’ and children’s (both authorized and
unauthorized) sense of safety and belonging and their ability
to trust that systems of care will be able to help them when
they are facing mental health challenges.
Research has also demonstrated a relationship between
perceived discrimination and decreased use of mental health
services, as well as the use of collectivistic coping strategies
(Gee et al., 2007; Jang et al., 2010; Tummala-Narra, Inman,
& Ettigi, 2011; Yoshikawa et al., 2004). Considering evidence
for the role of racial discrimination in psychological distress,
future research is necessary to investigate the unique ways
in which discrimination is experienced by immigrants
and differences across gender, generation (first vs. second
vs. third), and social class. Additionally, future research can
address the intersectionality of social identities (e.g., race,
culture, language, immigration status, age, gender, sexual
orientation, social class, religion, and ability/disability status)
and its relationship to immigrants’ experience of and ability
to cope with discrimination.
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