Crossroads: The Psychology of Immigration in the New Century

Transition to adulthood in the United States is marked in
a number of ways, such as by moving out of the parental
home, attending college, working full time, getting married,
and having children (Setterson, Furstenburg, & Rumbaut,
2005). With more training required to enter the labor force
and postponement of marriage until the mid- to late 20s,
transition to adulthood in the United States is marked
by development of individual character, self-reliance, and
independence. For young adults in the Western middle-class
world, this phase of “emerging adulthood” is often an age
of intense self-focus and identity exploration in the areas of
love and work, as well as a time of possibilities, optimism, and
transformation accompanied by instability (Arnett & Tanner,
2006). In contrast, in many non-Western countries, adulthood
is associated with interdependence, reliance on family, and a
sense of obligation and responsibility to the family (Russell,
Coughlin, El Walily, & Al Amri, 2005). Youth coming from
less prosperous families are also more likely to see mutual
family obligations as a responsibility of adulthood (Fuligni &
Pedersen, 2002).
Using the 2008 Current Population Survey data, Rumbaut
and Komaie (2010) found that the traditional markers
of adulthood were not the same for immigrant and
nonimmigrant generations:
• The first generation—the group that had often initiated
the migration themselves—was most likely to have
achieved the classic adult milestones of living away from
the parental home (as their parents often remained back
in the homeland), working, being married, and having
children, but they were least likely to attend college.
• Second-generation young adults, on the other hand, were
more likely to live with their immigrant parents, attend
school and work part time, and postpone marriage and
having children. They were able to minimize expenses
by pooling collective resources, continuing to live in the
parental home, and sharing housing and food expenses
(Kasinitz et al., 2008). In addition, they often juggled
other responsibilities, including working in a family
business, contributing to family expenses, providing
child and elder care, and translating for and aiding
parents and extended kin in navigating medical and legal
bureaucracies (Fuligni & Pedersen, 2002).
• By the third generation, they were largely independent
and free from family responsibilities, leaving home and
sharing expenses with roommates rather than family
(Rumbaut & Komaie, 2010), and they could rely on
parental support in emergencies, much like Western
middle-class youth (Schoeni & Ross, 2005).
adults
The majority of the U.S. population, immigrant and
nonimmigrant alike, fall into the adult stage of development.
A search of the literature found nothing at the intersection of
immigration and adult development research or theory. We
consider work transitions, parenting, and caregiving to be of
particular importance for immigrants in this developmental
group.
Work Transitions
Most immigrant adults come to the United States in search of
employment opportunities, and many send income to family
in their home countries (Menjívar, DaVanzo, Greenwell, &
Valdez, 1998). The percentage of educated immigrants (ages
25–64) has risen from 19% with bachelor’s degrees in 1980
to 30% in 2010 (M. Hall, Singer, De Jong, & Graefe, 2011).
During this time, high-skilled workers increased from 19%
to 29.6%, while low-skilled workers decreased from 39.5%
to 27.8%. Almost half of high-skilled immigrants in the 100
largest metropolitan areas were overqualified for their jobs,
and 11.3% were greatly overqualified.
High-skilled immigrants were also more likely to be
underemployed than their U.S.-born counterparts (M. Hall
et al., 2011). Skilled immigrant workers with professional
backgrounds are not always able to continue in the line
of work they performed prior to immigration. Many face
underemployment with the disqualification of previously held
work credentials and concomitant loss in status (Yakushko,
Backhaus, Watson, Ngaruiya, & Gonzalez, 2008; Yost & Lucas,
2002). While low-skilled immigrants in large metropolitan
areas are more likely to be employed than U.S.-born lowskilled
workers, they have lower incomes (M. Hall et al.,
2011). Immigrant adults who come to the United States with
little formal education or training may find employment
as domestic workers, hotel workers, garment workers, day
laborers, or migrant farm workers (see Populations Facing
Unique Challenges—Migrant Workers and Day Laborers).
Zamudio and Lichter (2008) found that hotel managers
preferred Latino/a immigrant workers over White or African
American workers because they perceived Latinos/as as easier
to control and willing to do hard work for less pay.
44 Report of the APA Presidential Task Force on Immigration