Crossroads: The Psychology of Immigration in the New Century

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Life span Considerations Looking at foreign-born versus U.S.-born populations across the life span reveals some interesting comparisons. According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2009a, 2009b, 2011c), most of the foreign-born population is found within the stage of adulthood (see TAbLE 1). When the immigrant population is compared with the U.S.-born population, the immigrant population has less than one third the proportion of children. A comparison across regions of origin indicates that European immigrants have double the percentage of older adults than do other foreign-born groups and U.S. native groups, while Mexican immigrants have a much lower percentage of individuals over 65 years of age. A review of the literature revealed a noticeable lack of studies with a life span perspective on immigrant populations; there is a small body of work on older adults and some research conducted with immigrant children and adults. Nonetheless, this report addresses the various stages of the life span through an ecological lens. We briefly examine the interactions of individuals and their environments, and the systems in which TAbLE 1 Estimates of Population distribution (%) by Life span Childhood & adolescence 0–19 years they operate, while recognizing the diversity of today’s immigrants. Children and adolescents As noted previously, foreign-born children and adolescents make up a relatively small share of this age group nationally, but considering the first and second generations together, this group is now recognized to be the fastest growing sector of the child population. In 1970, immigrant-origin children (first or second generation) constituted 6% of children living in the United States. By 2010, nearly 23% of U.S. children had immigrant parents (16 million under the age of 18). By 2020, it is thought they will account for a third of the U.S. child population. Well over three quarters of these children are U.S. citizens (Mather, 2009), and these predominantly Latino and Asian families are driving the diversification of the United States (Hernandez, Denton, & Macartney, 2007). Despite their growing numbers, they have been largely ignored in the national conversation on immigration (Mather, 2009), in the Young adulthood 20–34 years Life span adulthood 35–65 years older adulthood 65+ years Population distribution U.s.-borna 27.4 20.4 39.6 12.6 Foreign-bornb 8.7 26.5 52.8 12.0 asian 8.6 23.3 55.1 13.0 European 6.6 16.7 49.7 27.0 Total Latin american 9.3 31.5 51.8 8.4 Mexican 10.5 34.3 49.6 5.8 Note. These are the best available estimates based on the U.S. Census Bureau’s (2009a, 2009b) American Community Survey. They are estimates only, as these tables claim 36,750,000 as the total number of foreign-born in the United States, whereas the most recent Census data indicate 39.9 million (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011c). Nonetheless, these percentages provide a sense of perspective (to be interpreted with caution). a Based on U.S. Census Bureau (2009a). b Based on U.S. Census Bureau (2009b). 42 Report of the APA Presidential Task Force on Immigration
psychological research literature (C. Suárez-Orozco & Carhill, 2008), and in clinical training (APA, 2007a). Immigrant children demonstrate both resiliencies and vulnerabilities compared with their nonimmigrant peers. For example, children in immigrant homes are more likely than nonimmigrants to have parents who are married and work full time (Passel & Cohn, 2009). Many children in immigrant homes, however, are at greater risk for growing up in poverty, with 21% of immigrant-origin children living in poverty versus 17% in U.S.-born families, and 49% living in lowincome homes versus 36% in U.S.-born families (Mather, 2009). Though their parents tend to be working, their jobs often pay below subsistence wages (Mather, 2009). Those whose parents are not proficient in English, do not have U.S. citizenship, have low levels of education, and have lived in the U.S. fewer than 10 years are the most likely to live in poverty (Mather, 2009). Poverty rates vary widely by country of origin. Children from India, the Philippines, China, Korea, Canada, and Europe are at the least risk, and those from Africa and the Caribbean are less likely to be at risk than U.S.-born Black children, while Latino and refugee children from Iraq, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen are at greatest risk for poverty (Mather, 2009). Immigrant Family Separations For the first generation, the immigrant journey often results in serial migration and prolonged family separations (Mitrani, Santisteban, & Muir, 2004). A study of 400 immigrant newcomer early adolescents from China, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Mexico, and Central America found that 75% spent between 6 months to 10 years apart from one or both parents during the migratory process (C. Suárez-Orozco, Bang, & Kim, 2011). Immigrant parents often have to make the difficult decision to leave their children behind with relatives for a period of time as they establish themselves (Foner, 2009). Other examples of disrupted families due to migration include when upper-middle-class families from such places as Hong Kong and Taiwan send middle- and high-school students to study abroad as “astronaut kids,” living with the mother while the father remains in the country of origin (Ong, 1999), or as “parachute kids,” living with extended or fictive kin while both parents remain in the country of origin (Zhou, 2009). Another long-documented practice is sending children, such as unruly adolescents, back to the country of origin to be resocialized by their grandparents (R. C. Smith, 2005). Life Span Considerations Increasingly, infants and toddlers are being sent back to extended family while parents remain in the United States to work, reuniting in the United States with their parents at school age (Bohr, Whitfield, & Chan, 2009; Gaytán, Xue, & Yoshikawa, 2006). In recent years, families with unauthorized parents have involuntarily been wrenched apart by workplace and in-home raids conducted by immigration authorities (Chaudry et al., 2010). Separated families often desire reunification, which may take years, especially when complicated by financial hurdles and immigration regulations (Menjívar & Abrego, 2009). If children immigrate to a new country separately, parental contact during the separation period (e.g., letters, phone calls, or personal visits) contributes to the well-being of the children, but the separation–reunification processes can create negative psychological experiences for the children (C. Suárez-Orozco, Todorova, & Louie, 2002). The longer the separation, the more complicated the family reunification and the greater the likelihood that children will report psychological symptoms (C. Suárez-Orozco, Bang, & Kim, 2011). Young adults In 1970, approximately 4% of the young adult population between the ages of 18 and 34 were either first or second generation (Rumbaut & Komaie, 2010), while today almost 30% are of immigrant-origin (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). This percentage is approximately a third higher than the total U.S.-born young adult population (20.4%). Most are second generation, but the first generation makes up a significantly high percentage (26.5%) and is particularly prevalent in this age group among Mexicans (34.3%). Nearly half of the foreign-born in the United States in this age group are unauthorized (Hoefer et al., 2009), which has implications for available opportunities (C. Suárez-Orozco, Yoshikawa, et al., 2011) (see Populations Facing Unique Challenges— Undocumented Immigrants and Their Children). These young adults tend to be concentrated in particular states and urban centers. In California, 55% of young adults are first or second generation; in the New York metropolitan area, 56% of young adults are of foreign parentage; and in Miami and in Texas cities along the Mexican border, two thirds of young adults are of immigrant origin (Rumbaut & Komaie, 2010). 43
Page 1 and 2: Report of the APA Presidential Task
Page 3: Crossroads The Psychology of ImmIgr
Page 7: Preface One of the benefits of serv
Page 10 and 11: Diane Elmore, PhD (APA Public Inter
Page 12 and 13: 2011; C. Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-O
Page 14 and 15: 2010; M. H. Lopez & Taylor, 2010).
Page 16 and 17: designed with their educational obs
Page 18 and 19: al., 2006), communication problems
Page 20 and 21: Sloan, & Sperling, 2011) and toward
Page 22 and 23: • The mesosystem is made up of in
Page 24 and 25: lesbian, gay, bisexual, disabilitie
Page 26 and 27: contributed to the growth of undocu
Page 28 and 29: All other countries 42% FIGURE 3. T
Page 30 and 31: to learn English (Bayley & Regan, 2
Page 32 and 33: Exclusion Act of 1882) specifically
Page 34 and 35: and mental health outcomes. Discrim
Page 36 and 37: adaptation: acculturation, Cultural
Page 38 and 39: In a number of studies, strong iden
Page 40 and 41: documented the problems caused by a
Page 42 and 43: Populations Facing Unique Challenge
Page 44 and 45: American region (Mexico, Canada, Ce
Page 46 and 47: the government or a group the gover
Page 48 and 49: Notably, in 2000, approximately 650
Page 50 and 51: often rely on their ethnic immigran
Page 54 and 55: Transition to adulthood in the Unit
Page 56 and 57: In a study of Korean elders, there
Page 58 and 59: those of native English speakers an
Page 60 and 61: linguistic group in the United Stat
Page 62 and 63: or deported, immigration officials
Page 64 and 65: Immigrant students whose education
Page 66 and 67: to read in the home language promot
Page 68 and 69: & Mapp, 2002). Teachers, in turn, v
Page 70 and 71: In a knowledge-intensive economy, h
Page 72 and 73: separation from country of origin,
Page 74 and 75: As individuals negotiate their iden
Page 76 and 77: Barriers to Treatment While an incr
Page 78 and 79: and traditional mental health setti
Page 80 and 81: effective than those conducted in E
Page 82 and 83: development, to remediation). Thera
Page 84 and 85: Considerations for the Field The Un
Page 86 and 87: time. For example, under what condi
Page 88 and 89: summary of recommendations Recommen
Page 90 and 91: • Support opportunities for dialo
Page 92 and 93: Culture brokering: When children of
Page 94 and 95: Protective factors: Conditions in f
Page 96 and 97: eferences Abraham, M. (2000). Isola
Page 98 and 99: Bedolla, L. G. (2000). They and we:
Page 100 and 101: Carhill, A., Suárez-Orozco, C., &
Page 102 and 103:
Delgado-Gaitan, C. (1994, April). M
Page 104 and 105:
Gee, G. C., Spencer, M., Chen, J.,
Page 106 and 107:
www.splcenter.org/get-informed/inte
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LaFromboise, T., Coleman, H. L., &
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McKitrick, D. S., Edwards, T. A., &
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psychological, and educational appl
Page 114 and 115:
Robjant, K., Hassan, R., & Katona,
Page 116 and 117:
Stepick, A., Stepick, C. D., & Labi
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the job that’s tough”: The ELL
Page 120 and 121:
Waters, M. C., & Jiménez, T. R. (2
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AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION
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Crossroads: The Psychology of Immigration in the New Century

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