Crossroads: The Psychology of Immigration in the New Century

often rely on their ethnic immigrant community as a safe
harbor, but for LGBT immigrants it can be inhospitable
(Boulden, 2009). In a sample of gay immigrant Latinos,
84% grew up hearing that homosexuals are not normal,
68% were made fun of for their sexual orientation as
children, and 59% had pretended to be straight in order to
be accepted (Bianchi, Zea, Poppen, Reisen, & Echeverry,
2004). In a sample of mostly immigrant LGBT South Asians,
70% experienced homo/trans/biphobia in their ethnic
community, 77% felt they were living a double life, 72% felt
lonely or isolated, and 45% experienced suicidal thoughts
(Choudhury et al., 2009).
While LGBT immigrants and nonimmigrants reported
equal access to mental health services, nonimmigrants were
twice as likely to use them, indicating that many LGBT
immigrants are not accessing care (Choudhury et al., 2009).
In a study of mostly immigrant Asian gay men, support
from family and gay friends about discrimination had a
protective effect against risky sexual behavior (Yoshikawa
et al., 2004).
While in mainstream U.S. LGBT culture there is pressure
to “come out,” this can be more complicated for LGBT
immigrants. In immigrant communities, coming out is often
blamed on “America’s excessive freedoms” (Fisher, 2003).
Language complicates matters—for example, when there are
no words for “gay” in some languages (Boulden, 2009). In a
sample of mostly immigrant LGBT South Asians, 80% said
most or all of their friends knew their sexual orientation,
compared to 54% who said most or all immediate family
knew, and 18% who said most or all extended family knew
(Choudhury et al., 2009). Not only do LGBT immigrants
potentially face risks by coming out in an immigrant
community, but this action may also negatively affect their
families (Boulden, 2009). Conversely, some who come to
the United States alone may feel a sense of liberation to be
able to live their lives openly without worrying about stigma
impacting their families or rejection from family back home
(Bianchi et al., 2007).
LGBT immigrants, particularly from racial/ethnic
minorities, may not feel welcome in mainstream gay
environments, where many LGBTs turn for support.
In studies of mostly immigrant LGBT South Asians
(Choudhury et al., 2009) and gay Latinos (Ibañez, Van
Oss Marin, Flores, Millet, & Diaz, 2009), more than half
reported experiencing racism in the LGBT community.
In a sample of gay immigrant Latinos, 44% were turned
down for sex because of their race/ethnicity (Bianchi et
al., 2004). Feeling disconnected from the LGBT community
because of discrimination or language barriers may put LGBT
immigrants at risk. Some gay immigrant Latinos, for example,
reported using public sex venues to find sex partners, which
does not require communicating in English (Bianchi et al.,
2007) but may then put them at increased risk for sexually
transmitted infections.
Immigrants With disabilities
The experiences of individuals with physical disabilities have
largely remained ignored until the past decade. Some factors
constraining research on disabilities outlined by Olkin and
Pledger (2003) include the underrepresentation of minority
individuals; significant problems with tests, measures, and
norms; and a narrow range of research focus. Despite the
lack of attention to contextual factors, including gender,
age, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and socioeconomic class,
new perspectives on disability recognize that people with
disabilities belong to a minority cultural group (Mona,
Romesser-Scehnet, Cameron, & Cardenas, 2006; Olkin &
Pledger, 2003).
Immigrants with disabilities have unique struggles with
discrimination, as they identify with multiple social groups
(e.g., ethnic and disability communities) and may have more
difficulty receiving social support (Block, Balcazar, & Keys,
2001). Views on disability also vary within immigrant groups,
from negative or shameful to positive. Language barriers may
impede communication, impacting immigrants’ ability to
understand disability rights in the United States, participate
in individual education plans in schools, and advocate on
behalf of a child with a disability (Lo, 2008; McHatton, 2007).
There also may have been fewer opportunities for education
and/or employment in the country of origin, in which case
immigrant adults and children may arrive in the United States
with fewer skills in educational and workplace settings (Xiang,
Shi, Wheeler, & Wilkins, 2010).
Other differences between resources available in the
country of origin and the United States may include
the lack of assistive technology (AT) in the country of
origin, contributing to a greater likelihood of secondary
disabilities, and unfamiliarity with AT in the United States.
When immigrants with disabilities relocate from contexts
of poverty, victimization, and/or ostracism, they may
need political asylum in the United States that does not
40 Report of the APA Presidential Task Force on Immigration