Global Steel Trade; Structural Problems and Future Solutions
Global Steel Trade; Structural Problems and Future Solutions
Global Steel Trade; Structural Problems and Future Solutions
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3.3 Korea’s <strong>Steel</strong> Industry in The 1990s:<br />
Boom, Bust And Export<br />
Introduction<br />
<strong>Problems</strong> in the Korean steel industry stem from two major structural flaws.<br />
Unsound Bank Lending. Korea’s bank lending practices allowed the country’s manufacturing sectors,<br />
including steel, to invest in overly ambitious projects that exp<strong>and</strong>ed capacity. Lending decisions of private<br />
banks were often subject to direct or indirect government influence, <strong>and</strong> many Korean banks lacked<br />
appropriate risk assessment <strong>and</strong> risk management techniques. 1 Weak lending practices were only one of the<br />
many significant factors that contributed to over-investment <strong>and</strong> excess capacity among Korean chaebol,<br />
including those producing steel. The 1999 Economic Report of the President addressed the problems<br />
associated with Korea’s bank lending practices, stating:<br />
In Korea, excessive investment was concentrated among the chaebol, [whose] control of financial<br />
institutions, together with government policies of directed lending to favored sectors, led to<br />
overinvestment in such industries as automobiles, steel, shipbuilding, <strong>and</strong> semiconductors. By early<br />
1997, well before the crisis hit Korea, seven of the thirty main chaebol were effectively bankrupt. 2<br />
Although many of these practices have changed as a result of the financial sector reforms that Korea has<br />
implemented under its International Monetary Fund (IMF) program, it is too early to tell whether those<br />
reforms have eliminated all of the past lending practices <strong>and</strong> the government’s influence over the financial<br />
sector. 3<br />
The drop in domestic dem<strong>and</strong> for steel during the financial crisis <strong>and</strong> the depreciation of the Korean won, which<br />
made exporting more attractive to Korea’s producers, led to an inevitable increase in Korea’s steel exports in<br />
1998. However, there are several indications that many steel companies continued to produce <strong>and</strong> export steel<br />
long after they had passed the point of financial viability. This fact raises two fundamental concerns:<br />
• Unsound bank lending practices contributed to the buildup of excess capacity during the 1990s <strong>and</strong> a<br />
string of bankruptcies in steel 4 <strong>and</strong> other sectors.<br />
• Korea’s flawed bankruptcy regime 5 allowed nonviable steel companies to continue operating <strong>and</strong><br />
exporting, <strong>and</strong> to avoid plant closings or other significant reductions in production.<br />
POSCO’s Dominant Position. In 1998, Korea’s Fair <strong>Trade</strong> Commission (KFTC) found that POSCO’s<br />
monopolistic position had anticompetitive effects on the Korean steel market. The KFTC also raised<br />
concerns about POSCO’s continued dominance in Korea because of the company’s potential to abuse its<br />
market power. Despite the KFTC ruling, only minimal action has been taken to curtail POSCO’s dominant<br />
position.<br />
Further, as a government-owned company, POSCO was used by policymakers to advance the government’s<br />
industrial development objectives, which included the provision of low-cost steel to downstream producers.<br />
The Commerce Department found this to be an export subsidy in a recent countervailing duty investigation.<br />
Chapter 3: Behind the Crisis—Korea 85