Entire Volume 17 issue 1 - Journal of World-Systems Research ...

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WOMEN’S STATUS AND WORLD-SYSTEM POSITION 158 Table 4. Total Fertility Rate (TFR), Infant Mortality Rate, Government Expenditures on Health Care, Military Expenditures, Net Inflows of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), and Meat Consumption per capita Regressed on Women’s Status (educational, political, or overall), GDP per capita, Urbanization, and World-System Position (ten blocks). TFR Infant Health Military FDI, net Meat per mortality exp. exp. inflows capita Coef. Coef. Coef. Coef. Coef. Coef. (S.E.) (S.E.) (S.E.) (S.E.) (S.E.) (S.E.) Educational status -.576 -9.299 (.138)*** (4.116)* Political status .310 (.166)† -.426 (.183)* Overall status -7.499 (3.698)* 8.101 (3.221)* GDP per capita .008 -.434 .098 -.031 1.684 1.889 (.014) (.232)† (.025)*** (.028) (.360)*** (.333)*** Urbanization -.009 -.166 .014 .021 -.095 .374 (.007) (.146) (.008)† (.010)* (.110) (.100)*** WSP 2 -.142 -1.150 -.354 -.373 19.864 3.555 (.313) (3.984) (.645) (.681) (9.386)* (8.732) WSP 3 -.318 2.248 -1.508 -1.171 19.705 -4.994 (.400) (6.187) (.768)† (.813) (10.830)† (10.381) WSP 4 -.371 -6.438 .162 -1.189 29.477 18.442 (.381) (5.273) (.787) (.833) (11.427)* (10.424)† WSP 5 1.879 -3.088 .290 25.693 -2.333 (.563)** (.959)** (1.020) (13.904)† (11.812) WSP 6 -.068 -1.923 -.868 -1.511 39.551 -4.720 (.413) (7.392) (.816) (.877) (11.759)** (10.897) WSP 7 -.320 -1.184 .453 26.703 2.287 (.481) (.921) (.958) (12.171)* (11.379) WSP 8 .542 -1.233 -1.839 30.781 6.894 (.478) (.773) (.846)* (11.098)** (10.278) WSP 9 1.805 -11.328 -.770 -.593 28.863 .034 (.518)** (8.946) (.795) (.856) (11.521)* (10.812) WSP 10 -1.021 (.965) -1.940 (1.145)† 30.168 (13.884)* 37.826 (13.503)** y-intercept 2.549 35.198 3.017 2.014 -31.973 6.658 (.509)*** (9.706)** (.827)*** (.893)* (12.113)** (11.083) N R 62 29 117 101 130 131 2 .818 .687 .653 .328 .202 .765 Notes: Block 1, the “center core,” is the omitted category for the WSP dummy-coded variables; *** p
159 JOURNAL OF WORLD-SYSTEMS RESEARCH Based on these results, we can say that there is clear evidence that where women have higher educational status, fertility rates and infant mortality rates are lower. These findings point to the major demographic and health consequences of women’s status. Our results also suggest that women’s status has a distinct effect on social priorities. Where women’s status is higher, military expenditures are lower and government health care expenditures are higher. Our results also show that women’s status is associated with national links to the global economy. There is less foreign direct investment in nations where women have higher status, which suggests that gender equality leads nations to be less dependent on the global economy. Finally, diet and agriculture also appear to be affected by women’s status. Where women’s status is higher, meat consumption is higher. Clearly, women’s status is connected to a wide variety of processes and social outcomes. These findings can be understood by reflecting back on some of theoretical issues we introduced above. Waring (1999) describes how social priorities are articulated in the global economic system through valuation. Specifically, she uncovers the “patriarchal nature of economics” and argues that “those who are making the decisions are men, and those values which are excluded from this determination are those of our environment, and of women and children” (p. 3). One example she explores is how military work is imputed into national economic figures and is considered active work and is paid labor, while reproductive work, of the household and human life, is considered inactive and goes unremunerated and unacknowledged. While Waring does not seek women’s actual remuneration, she argues that without an imputation to account for unpaid labor, women’s needs and contributions go unrecognized by policy-makers. Perhaps as a product of differentiated historical, material and social conditions, in particular, women’s roles as primary caregivers and nurturers of households, and men’s responsibilities to work outside the household to obtain money, women in positions of power tend to value different things than do men. For example, according to attitudinal research, women tend to express more concern for the environment than do men (Bord and O’Connor 1997; Davidson and Freudenburg 1996). These differences in valuation may explain many of our results, particularly the differences in military and health care spending across nations with respect to the status of women. Reflecting on the effects of women’s status on diet as well as infant mortality, it is worth noting that women and girls in Third World nations disproportionately experience malnutrition as compared to men and boys (Adams 1993; Dunaway 2001; Dunaway and Macabuac 2007). When food is scarce, mothers eat less food in order to feed their children and husbands. Additionally, male children are routinely fed better than girls (Adams 1993; Dunaway 2001; Dunaway and Macabuac 2007). In many societies, meat consumption is a cultural sign of status, and meat is often difficult to come by. For this reason, it is often reserved for men who are of higher status in the sex-hierarchy (Adams 1993). DIRECTIONS FOR ANALYSES OF GENDER IN THE WORLD-SYSTEM Our aim here has been to develop a link between theories of gender and the world-systems perspective, in particular to show that many aspects of the world-system are gendered, although these aspects have typically been neglected by world-systems researchers. We pointed to some of the existing theoretical work that examines both how gender relationships and women’s status and actions affect many large-scale global processes and how global processes affect gender
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James Rice—New Mexico State Unive
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BOOK REVIEW ESSAY 236 Review Essay:
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INTRODUCTION: THE WORLD-HISTORICAL
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