Entire Volume 17 issue 1 - Journal of World-Systems Research ...
Entire Volume 17 issue 1 - Journal of World-Systems Research ...
Entire Volume 17 issue 1 - Journal of World-Systems Research ...
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THE COFFEE COMMODITY CHAIN 68<br />
by French planters using slave labor (Campbell 2003: 68-9). This exemplified the French and<br />
British mercantilist strategy, which was soon to overtake the Dutch, <strong>of</strong> exerting direct control<br />
over production (Arrighi 1994: <strong>17</strong>6-7). The labor necessary to pursue this strategy was supplied<br />
by slavery.<br />
From these beginnings in Java and Bourbon 6 , c<strong>of</strong>fee quickly spread to the New <strong>World</strong>,<br />
but via Europe. C<strong>of</strong>fee was raised in the Amsterdam and Paris botanical gardens, and seedlings<br />
from these plants were carried to Surinam by the Dutch in the early <strong>17</strong>00s, and to Martinique by<br />
the French in the <strong>17</strong>20s. Surinam and Martinique would be the source for most, if not all, the<br />
c<strong>of</strong>fee trees that diffused throughout the Americas in subsequent centuries (Wrigley 1988: 40-7;<br />
Ukers 1935:2-5). From Martinique, c<strong>of</strong>fee was introduced into Saint-Domingue (Haiti), which<br />
became a major producer in the second half <strong>of</strong> the century, until the <strong>17</strong>91 revolution (Trouillot<br />
1982: 337-8). The British also introduced it into Jamaica in about <strong>17</strong>30 (Ukers 1935: 70), but<br />
Jamaica only became a major producer, briefly, after a slump in world sugar prices and the arrival<br />
<strong>of</strong> Saint-Domingue planters driven out by the revolution, in the early 19 th century (Delle 1998:<br />
50-2). C<strong>of</strong>fee from Surinam or French Guiana was introduced into Brazil in the <strong>17</strong>20s, and c<strong>of</strong>fee<br />
from these and other sources spread through other Caribbean, Central and South American<br />
colonies in the latter half <strong>of</strong> the 18 th century (Wrigley 1988: 46-50; Ukers 1935: 5). Latin<br />
Americans would become the world’s major producers only after their countries achieved<br />
independence in the 1820s. All <strong>of</strong> these developments during the Dutch cycle brought the c<strong>of</strong>fee<br />
commodity chain more firmly under European control. Consumption spread through Europe, and<br />
most production was now within the boundaries <strong>of</strong> the expanding European world-economy<br />
(Trouillot 1982: 339-40). But the spread <strong>of</strong> production itself was also a part <strong>of</strong> the outward<br />
expansion <strong>of</strong> the boundaries <strong>of</strong> the system, as new areas <strong>of</strong> the world outside <strong>of</strong> Europe were<br />
linked to the core <strong>of</strong> the system, as suppliers <strong>of</strong> c<strong>of</strong>fee. 7<br />
As was the case for the Islamic-controlled commodity chain during the Genoese cycle,<br />
the main driving force behind the development <strong>of</strong> this new, European-controlled c<strong>of</strong>fee<br />
commodity chain was at the level <strong>of</strong> material life. Just as the c<strong>of</strong>feehouse filled a social need in<br />
Islamic societies, so it did in European cities. As c<strong>of</strong>feehouses spread through Europe in the<br />
second half <strong>of</strong> the <strong>17</strong> th century, demand increased, but Mocha was still the only source <strong>of</strong> c<strong>of</strong>fee.<br />
The long-distance traders were the key connections between these export and import markets.<br />
European c<strong>of</strong>feehouse owners had no direct knowledge <strong>of</strong> c<strong>of</strong>fee production or <strong>of</strong> the supply<br />
available in Mocha; and the Arab merchants in Mocha who sold it could only infer information<br />
about final demand for c<strong>of</strong>fee in Europe from the amounts purchased by the traders. Further,<br />
there were no regular markets for c<strong>of</strong>fee in the early days <strong>of</strong> this trade. The arrival in Mocha <strong>of</strong> a<br />
European trader wanting to buy c<strong>of</strong>fee raised local prices (Wrigley 1988: 16). Conversely, the<br />
arrival <strong>of</strong> a new load <strong>of</strong> c<strong>of</strong>fee in Amsterdam probably depressed local prices (Topik 2003: 29).<br />
6 The names <strong>of</strong> these earliest c<strong>of</strong>fee production sites were used to denote types <strong>of</strong> c<strong>of</strong>fee in the early trade,<br />
and they have become a part <strong>of</strong> contemporary c<strong>of</strong>fee lingo. Mocha is still used to denote the type <strong>of</strong> c<strong>of</strong>fee<br />
grown in Yemen, and is <strong>of</strong>ten applied to c<strong>of</strong>fees with similar taste characteristics. Java became an<br />
American slang word meaning c<strong>of</strong>fee in general, as well as denoting c<strong>of</strong>fee produced on the island <strong>of</strong> Java,<br />
which is a constituent <strong>of</strong> the oldest and best known c<strong>of</strong>fee blend, Mocha Java. Bourbon today is used to<br />
denote a specific variety <strong>of</strong> Arabica c<strong>of</strong>fee tree, supposedly a direct descendant <strong>of</strong> the trees that were<br />
brought from Bourbon to Martinique by way <strong>of</strong> Paris.<br />
7 This process involved other commodities besides c<strong>of</strong>fee; foremost among them sugar, which was the<br />
main plantation crop <strong>of</strong> both Saint-Domingue and Jamaica.