Entire Volume 17 issue 1 - Journal of World-Systems Research ...
Entire Volume 17 issue 1 - Journal of World-Systems Research ...
Entire Volume 17 issue 1 - Journal of World-Systems Research ...
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EXTERNALITY AND INCORPORATION <strong>17</strong>4<br />
In the twelfth century, the Eastern Hemisphere contained a series <strong>of</strong> empires and<br />
small worlds, many <strong>of</strong> which were interlinked at their edges with each other. At<br />
that time, the Mediterranean was one focus <strong>of</strong> trade where Byzantium, Italian<br />
city-states, and to some extent parts <strong>of</strong> northern Africa met. The Indian Ocean-<br />
Red Sea complex formed another such focus (Wallerstein 1974:<strong>17</strong>).<br />
As discussed, Abyssinia née Axum was a peripheral part <strong>of</strong> the early Mediterranean world<br />
economy through linkages with Egypt. But this relationship to the Mediterranean was also<br />
predicated on the position <strong>of</strong> Abyssinia vis-à-vis the Red Sea trade, and the neighboring Indian<br />
Ocean complex. Further, Abyssinia was situated to extract benefit from the trans-Sudan Sahel<br />
trade networks <strong>of</strong> the African interior as goods traveled to and from the coastal ports. It is<br />
precisely because these early world-economies were interlinked at their edges that Abyssinia<br />
developed, producing the “Golden Age <strong>of</strong> the Solomonic Dynasty”, ca. 1270-1500 (Marcus<br />
1994:<strong>17</strong>-30). Abyssinia was the nexus by which these world-economies were hinged.<br />
The import <strong>of</strong> these linkages becomes clearer when one examines Portuguese expansion<br />
and its impact on the Levant’s “decline”, as it mirrors several structural features <strong>of</strong> the trade<br />
exploited by Abyssinia. With Portugal’s entrance into the Indian Ocean, the eastern<br />
Mediterranean spice trade went into decline due to “the structural diversion <strong>of</strong> trade and hence its<br />
noninclusion in the expanding European world-economy” (Wallerstein 1974:325). This is well<br />
and good, and indicates that regions favorably impacted by the “structural diversion <strong>of</strong> trade”<br />
should be included in the European world-economy - yet this neglects the same consideration be<br />
given to regions negatively impacted. Indeed, after 1500 the Indian Ocean was essentially a<br />
Portuguese lake:<br />
In any case from about 1509 when the Portuguese defeated the Egyptian fleet at<br />
Diú, the Portuguese navy held ‘uncontested hegemony’ in the Indian Ocean. In<br />
addition, during the sixteenth century …Portuguese traders were to be found not<br />
only there but in the China Sea, on the coasts <strong>of</strong> Africa east and west, in the south<br />
Atlantic, in Newfoundland, and <strong>of</strong> course in Europe. ‘Thus, present everywhere,<br />
a Portuguese economy’ (Wallerstein 1974:327).<br />
If the region is under uncontested Portuguese hegemony and reflects the presence <strong>of</strong> a Portuguese<br />
(thus European) economy, why would it not be part <strong>of</strong> the European world-economy?<br />
There are two reasons, one theoretical and one practical, that the Indian Ocean worldeconomy<br />
– hence Abyssinia peripherally – is not part <strong>of</strong> the European world-economy.<br />
Practically, Portuguese control in the Indian Ocean complex was maintained quite simply, by<br />
monitoring access, not production. Two squadrons were used in conjunction with a network <strong>of</strong><br />
fortresses. One fleet patrolled the western coast <strong>of</strong> India and the other blocked the Red Sea.<br />
Thus, the empire-building trade astride which the Solomonic Dynasty grew was diverted from the<br />
traditional Red Sea - Egypt and trans-Sudan networks and began to flow around Africa under