Involuntary Displacement and Resettlement â Policy and ... - CEPA

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Table 1: Detailed description of annual income and livelihood before and after displacement.HH No. 31 9 66 8HH Members 4 4 4 4Category Labour-Type I Labour-Type II Government Servant Asset HolderHH detailsLivelihoods beforeDisplacementHusband, wife, daughterand wife’s motherMainly masonry(husband). Otherincome includeconfectionary businessand agricultural income.Husband, wife and twosonsMainly agriculturallabour. Other incomesinclude minor incomefrom crops in thegarden.Husband, wife and twodaughters (one bornafter displacement)Mainly from teaching.Other income frompaddy and dry land.Husband, wife and twodaughtersAll income was assetbased. These includeincome from paddyfield, dry land, fishingand cattle raising. Wifeused to sew as well.Livelihoods after Masonry (10 days per Casual Labour (3 days a Teaching in governmentDisplacement month at Rs. 1200/day) month at Rs. 500/day) school in BatticaloaRelief 17424 17424 0 17424None.Place of Residence Kalliyankkadu Camp Kalliayankau Camp Sinhala Maha Vidyalaya NavatkeniPrevious Income (1) 374400 73200 193000 349500Main livelihood 288000 42000 138000 349500Ancillary livelihood 86400 31200 55000 0Current Income (2) 161424 35424 202800 17424Labour (3) 144000 18000 202800 0Saved Income (4) 7000 60000 160000 75000Total Income asIDPs (2)+(4)=(5)168424 95424 362800 92424OPL (6) 99168 99168 99168 99168(3)/(1)*100 38% 25% 105% 0%(4)/(1)*100 2% 82% 83% 21%(5)/(6)*100 170% 96% 366% 93%Values in Sri Lankan Rupees (1USD=Rs.108)68
Household 31 had several livelihoods before displacement. However, theirmain livelihood was masonry work undertaken by the husband. In additionhe also cultivated paddy and banana on their own land. This, as well as theconfectionary business run by his mother-in-law, added to Household 31’sincome. However, as per our methodology for categorisation, the mainlivelihood (masonry) yielded more than the ancillary livelihoods (Rs.288,000vs. Rs.86,400). After displacement the household lost their agriculturalincome as well as the confectionary business. As IDPs they totally rely on anymasonry work they can get, plus food and other relief given to them. Thishas reduced their earned income to just 38% of what they earned inSampur. However, in conjunction with the relief and saved income, whateverthey earn has kept the household above the official poverty line (OPL) 11 .Here we argue that Type I Labour is special for three reasons. First is themobile nature of livelihood endowments. Mobility is a common featureamong all forms of labour. However, Type I Labour stands out because of itsuncanny ability to establish itself and reemerge as a livelihood generatoreven after displacement. We stress this because there are other labourresources that have failed to establish and generate livelihoods afterdisplacement (see the discussion on Type II Labour case study). The mainreasons for this are twofold: (1) capital required to establish Type Ilivelihoods are minimal. For example, the less mechanised form of masonryundertaken by small-time masons needs only rudimentary tools. Even if amason loses these due to displacement, they can be replaced with littlecapital. Even if this is not possible after the impoverishing experience ofdisplacement, relief organisations such as NGOs can easily provide thesetools. The factors of demand are also critical in this equation. Type I Labourfinds adequate demand in the township of Batticaloa. The prevalence ofconditions conducive to Type I Labour in Batticaloa mean that displacementcan have only a temporary effect on the income generating capacity of TypeI Labour.Household 9, our second case study, also had ancillary livelihoods in additionto the main livelihood. The main livelihood was agricultural labour, workingin paddy fields and dry lands (chilli, onion, banana etc.) belonging to others.Before displacement, agricultural labour earned Household 9 Rs.42,000 p.a.while the ancillary income was Rs.31,200 p.a. After displacement the father11See Amirthalingam and Lakshman (forthcoming) for a definition of and the impact of savedincomes on IDP finances.69
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AcknowledgementsOn behalf of the Ce
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ContentsAcknowledgements...........
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Common Threads in Resettlement Poli
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institutions, such as the World Ban
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high demand in the new, host locati
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The focus on vulnerability also hig
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Development projects often create g
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6 ConclusionsThe papers in this vol
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Page 53: Chapter 1:Restoring Livelihoods
Page 56 and 57: 1 IntroductionThe Southern Transpor
Page 58 and 59: livelihoods of the affected people
Page 60 and 61: The RIP also sets out allowances fo
Page 62 and 63: The replacement of agriculture land
Page 64 and 65: like tea, rubber and cinnamon have
Page 66 and 67: Retention of market networks is als
Page 68 and 69: ReferencesAsian Development Bank. I
Page 70 and 71: 1 IntroductionCivil conflicts and d
Page 72 and 73: By overcoming the data collection c
Page 74 and 75: The above resettler’s income curv
Page 76 and 77: these IDPs. We do not see the need
Page 78 and 79: The next category is the Government
Page 82 and 83: of the household did find paid work
Page 84 and 85: this village suffered a more advers
Page 86 and 87: Frequency distributions of pre and
Page 88 and 89: Government Servants who engage in o
Page 90 and 91: displacement and arriving in Battic
Page 92 and 93: evidence that Asset Holders suffere
Page 94 and 95: Chambers, R., and Conway, G.R., 199
Page 96 and 97: qualitative data collected from foc
Page 98 and 99: 3.2.1 Sampling plan for the follow-
Page 100 and 101: The government had to identify land
Page 102 and 103: Table 5.2: Housing situation of hou
Page 104 and 105: 5.1.2.1 Quality and durability of t
Page 106 and 107: Table 5.8: Number of rooms per hous
Page 108 and 109: electricity has significantly incre
Page 110 and 111: Although the total fishing fleet ha
Page 112 and 113: Figure 6.1: Cumulative percentages
Page 114 and 115: 7 Access to InfrastructureDamage to
Page 116 and 117: Lack of, or difficult, access to in
Page 118 and 119: Annex 1: Tsunami affected household
Page 120 and 121: Ampara 2 Kalmunai Kalmunaikudi 2 6P
Page 123 and 124: Conflict, Vulnerability and Long-te
Page 125 and 126: hetoric of displacement and maintai
Page 127 and 128: The educational performance of IDP
Page 129 and 130: Most locals did not expect the IDPs
Page 131 and 132:
selected because they represent the
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controversial. People with a certai
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4 Re-examining VulnerabilityThe stu
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IDPs and Hosts as Constitutive Cate
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local integration processes and the
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3 From Policy Categories to Labelli
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The homogenising effect of the labe
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assist the displaced eased the phas
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In the case of the northern Muslims
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people becoming forced migrants; lo
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A key example is how a joint intere
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labelled ‘IDPs’ or ‘hosts’.
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COHEN, R., 2007. Response to Hathaw
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Chapter 3:Ensuring Equitable andPar
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1 IntroductionWorldwide experience
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component (HS&CD) of the project, b
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The LEI&CDP Resettlement Policy Fra
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(a)(b)(c)those who have formal lega
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Phase IV - Consolidation, Community
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Table 1: Resettlement Programme Tar
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Table 4: Providing infrastructure s
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8 Issues and conclusionsIssuesAbout
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ReferencesADB (1995): Involuntary R
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31 IntroductionThe Southern Transpo
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The participation and consultation
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In a majority of cases APs have bee
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During the implementation of LARC,
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decision making process has increas
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Left Behind: Post-tsunami Resettlem
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To complicate their lives even more
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visited camps once every eight or n
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(from 206 to 50 sites) and the shel
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In October and November 2007, the s
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nuclear family established through
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struggle. The joint family, which i
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camps, although having received com
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Even though these families were liv
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Sunil earns a living collecting and
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Property negotiations are tedious a
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still remained in transitional shel
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for government and NGOs alike to be
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With respect to the transparency of
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ReferencesABRAMS, P., 1988. Notes o
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ANNEX9th Annual Symposium on Povert
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EVICTEDThis 25-minute documentary p
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