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Local Governance in Timor-Leste - Secretaria de Estado da Arte e ...

Local Governance in Timor-Leste - Secretaria de Estado da Arte e ...

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other traditional authority figures who, unlike the liurai, were not disproportionatelyempowered through <strong>in</strong>direct rule. These <strong>in</strong>clu<strong>de</strong>d the <strong>da</strong>tu (pr<strong>in</strong>cedom governors)whose <strong>in</strong>fluence was balanced by the el<strong>de</strong>rs on the pr<strong>in</strong>cedom council. There werealso the chefes <strong>de</strong> suco (chiefs of suco), who was chosen by the villagers of thek<strong>in</strong>gdom, but who also required approval from the adm<strong>in</strong>istrador <strong>de</strong> posto. Theprocedures whereby villagers chose their chiefs varied from place to place and werenot the equivalent of <strong>de</strong>mocratic vot<strong>in</strong>g, which some took to mean that these systemshad died out and were no longer relevant (see for example Nicol, 2002: 208-09).However, while traditional <strong>in</strong>stitutional structures varied wi<strong>de</strong>ly from one place to thenext, Hicks' (1972: 101-102) account of the role of the el<strong>de</strong>rs on the pr<strong>in</strong>cedomcouncil <strong>in</strong> Viqueque illustrates that the system was far more sophisticated than wasoften presumed, encompass<strong>in</strong>g a system of checks and balances <strong>de</strong>signed to prevent<strong>de</strong>spotic rule. This offers some <strong>in</strong>sight <strong>in</strong>to the impact that <strong>in</strong>direct rule had on thecolony, effectively giv<strong>in</strong>g the liurai a power they might otherwise have been unableto ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>.4.4: Emergence of a New Politics, Political Parties, and Civil War: 1974 to 1975While the Portuguese were grossly neglectful of their least important and most farflungcolony, there were some important changes towards the end of their rule. One ofthese was <strong>in</strong> the spread of educational opportunities: <strong>in</strong> 1953 there had only been8000 children <strong>in</strong> 39 primary schools, but by 1974 this had risen to almost 60,000stu<strong>de</strong>nts <strong>in</strong> 465 schools (Dunn, 2003: 7). Better educated <strong>Timor</strong>ese meant access tomore powerful positions <strong>in</strong> the colonial adm<strong>in</strong>istration, and by 1974 approximately60% of all adm<strong>in</strong>istradors <strong>de</strong> posto were <strong>Timor</strong>ese (Dunn, 2003: 7). These officialsknew too well the <strong>de</strong>spotic power that was exercised by many liurai and oftenactively worked to reduce their power, <strong>de</strong>sir<strong>in</strong>g a movement towards a more<strong>de</strong>mocratic system of government (Dunn, 2003: 35). This newly emerg<strong>in</strong>g politicalelite were among the first to become politically active <strong>in</strong> 1974, when it became clearthat Portuguese colonialism was draw<strong>in</strong>g to a close.89

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