Local Governance in Timor-Leste - Secretaria de Estado da Arte e ...

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CHAPTER FOUR: GOVERNANCE HISTORY OF TIMOR-LESTE4.0 IntroductionThe governance history of Timor-Leste is a complicated one, encompassing almostfive hundred years of foreign occupation, first by the Portuguese as a colonialterritory, then by Indonesia as their '27 th Province', and then through the UNtransitional administration (UNTAET) until full independence was handed to theTimorese in 2002. However, underlying this history of external rule, traditionalinstitutional structures and value systems have continued to guide the daily lives ofthe Timorese. Through the various stages of Timorese history, these traditionalinstitutional structures ran in parallel with the governance structures of the externalrulers, at various times being either reinforced or undermined by the imposed powerstructures. This has resulted in various forms of political hybridity that are nowreflected in contemporary local governance arrangements, with the 'interface' betweenmodern and traditional institutional structures existing most obviously at the sukulevel of governance. The interface that has developed between modern and traditionalinstitutional structures is porous. As the overarching political structures haveinfluenced these pre-existing traditional institutional structures in various ways, andas the Timorese people have alternately accommodated and opposed these influences,modern influences such as political parties have been incorporated into the localsphere.Examination of Timorese history shows that this interface is deeply entrenched,having existed in various forms throughout Portuguese, Indonesian and UNTAETrule, and can possibly even be traced to pre-colonial governance structures wherethere were two discernible 'layers' to local governance—one composed of essentiallyinward-looking family-based kinship structures, and the other composed of thewarring petty kings (liurai) who competed for territory and tributory subjects.Throughout this time indigenous forms of governance continued to guide most sociallife within the suku, and primary loyalty was owed not to the overarching rulers but tothe small kin-based groups within the suku.75
The centrality of these kin-based groups continued through Portuguese times as thepower of the liurai was slowly replaced with Portuguese-recognised rulers, andcontinued throughout Indonesian occupation as the resistance networks were basedlargely on important social relationships defined within these same communities.These groups, bound together via lisan, therefore form the common thread throughoutall of these stages of history, and as such can be recognised as a distinctivelyTimorese system of governance. However, during the UN interregnum the importanceof these communities was not well understood. As other political disagreements tookcentre stage, considerations around the centrality of these communities were largelyleft out of the nation-building enterprise—effectively excluding the majority ofordinary Timorese living in the rural areas. This then provided the framework throughwhich contemporary local governance is now being shaped within independentTimor-Leste, leaving the complicated questions surrounding policy development forhybrid local communities unanswered. Here, I consider the impact of these variousforms of local government throughout the different periods of Timorese history,examining how they have interfaced with ongoing traditional institutional structuresthat exist within the suku of Timor-Leste.76
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Local Governance in Timor-Leste:The
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COPYRIGHT STATEMENT‘I hereby gran
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are some important points of tensio
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the Canossian sisters in Ainaro—M
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2.6 The Issues of Cross-Cultural Re
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LIST OF FIGURESFigure One: The Deve
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Tara banduUma kainUma lulikXefe Ald
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within, I had failed to recognise t
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anthropology of development (Shephe
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prefer the term 'local' to recognis
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evolve around ideas of traditional
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institution that is considered to b
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the case given the emphasis on cond
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Within these increasingly murky pol
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1.3 Case Study SitesVenilaleVenilal
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The reasons for choosing Venilale a
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and influences can have on the loca
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played out since decolonisation. Th
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Page 39 and 40: CHAPTER TWO: METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWO
Page 41 and 42: 2.1 FieldworkFieldwork was conducte
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Page 45 and 46: interactions between modern and tra
Page 47 and 48: then asking for advice on who else
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Page 51 and 52: Every conversation and every experi
Page 53 and 54: discussions. This took a little tim
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Page 57 and 58: CHAPTER THREE: CONCEPTUALISING POST
Page 59 and 60: epresentation through democratisati
Page 61 and 62: of coordination between these diffe
Page 63 and 64: equally problematic, as this succes
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Page 67 and 68: Westernise. Equally, the specificit
Page 69 and 70: which individuals both shape and ar
Page 71 and 72: expanded this understanding to incl
Page 73 and 74: within a society. As Remmer puts it
Page 75 and 76: is to distribute power to some and
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Page 79 and 80: provided by public policy" (Fukuyam
Page 81 and 82: Gramsci's account of hegemonic powe
Page 83 and 84: From this perspective, Gramsci's id
Page 85 and 86: outcomes. Rather, it structures soc
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Page 91 and 92: 4.1 Formation of Political Hybridit
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Page 99 and 100: did not make life any easier for th
Page 101 and 102: governor, but slowly seats were inc
Page 103 and 104: The movement towards decolonisation
Page 105 and 106: As the politics reached gradually b
Page 107 and 108: appointed traditionally (Ospina and
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Page 111 and 112: outrage across the world. Following
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Page 119 and 120: these other factors reveal a more c
Page 121 and 122: SECTION TWO: EXAMINING LOCAL GOVERN
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Page 125 and 126: Important exchange relationships th
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Page 131 and 132: The centrality of the liurai house
Page 133 and 134: As discussed previously, one of the
Page 135 and 136: order to meet their communal requir
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within the suku and to lead the kon
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epresentative. These political mech
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structural issue: while the old ins
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democratisation has been seen to er
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Party politics has been one such po
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on the leaders' position within the
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Within this hybrid political enviro
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in the community. While there is a
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authority figures in the aldeia, su
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As fieldwork progressed, it became
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kain), it is taken to the xefe and/
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process, they have the right to go
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(March, 2008). In the absence of le
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explains, he will not engage with a
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this distinction. When I asked abou
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insufficient attention being paid t
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of barlake that lay in the alliance
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functional, leaving them especially
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affiliation with political parties.
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xefe suku explained that the cost o
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that there is a combination of soci
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SECTION THREE: SHAPING LOCAL GOVERN
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automatically become part of the lo
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ecent Shadow Report to CEDAW, which
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Governance must be for something, a
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power within Timorese communities.
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Such structural constraints, howeve
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Across every suku in Venilale and A
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was built for their most remote ald
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While community members may attempt
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networks that use such animistic ri
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strongman, who operated in Venilale
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the community are captured or diver
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strongman specifically uses institu
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CHAPTER EIGHT: BRINGING IT BACK TO
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communities have created various fo
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However, while incoming resources c
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of fundamental importance in consid
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APPENDIX A: LIST OF INTERVIEWEESVEN
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APPENDIX B: MAP OF TIMOR-LESTESourc
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APPENDIX D: POLITICAL MAP OF SUBDIS
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BINNS, T. (2006) 'Doing Fieldwork i
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CHESTERMAN, S. (2002) 'East Timor i
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DEGNBOL-MARTINUSSEN, J. (2002) 'Dev
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Lincoln, Y. (Eds.) The Landscape of
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GRENFELL, L. (2006) 'Legal Pluralis
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HOWARTH, D. (2000) Discourse, Bucki
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LANDMAN, T. & HAUSERMANN, J. (2003)
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MERRY, S. E. (1988) 'Legal Pluralis
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OSPINA, S. & HOHE, T. (2001) Tradit
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RUDOLPH, L. I. (1965) 'The Modernit
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THAKUR, R. & VAN LANGENHOVE, L. (20
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WORK, R. (2002) 'Overview of Decent
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