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Local Governance in Timor-Leste - Secretaria de Estado da Arte e ...

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this dist<strong>in</strong>ction. When I asked about the different types of <strong>in</strong>juries and whether theywould be resolved via lisan or taken to the police (bruis<strong>in</strong>g, swell<strong>in</strong>g, broken bones)the most common answer was "it <strong>de</strong>pends."In both subdistricts, this dist<strong>in</strong>ction between 'big' and 'small' offences was generally<strong>de</strong>scribed as one that was mutually supportive of the pr<strong>in</strong>ciples of both lisan andmo<strong>de</strong>rn law. From the perspective of traditional authorities, the special place of lisanas the first po<strong>in</strong>t of call was respected. And from the perspective of the police, thisprocess could be expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> terms of their jurisdiction over crim<strong>in</strong>al matters asopposed to civil matters, which were to be resolved via lisan. It was also seen ashav<strong>in</strong>g the advantage of consistency, where this general dist<strong>in</strong>ction was held to applyacross all violent acts with<strong>in</strong> the subdistrict.However, this act of negotiation through the every<strong>da</strong>y politics of mutual recognitionappears to have flipped mo<strong>de</strong>rn jurispru<strong>de</strong>ntial un<strong>de</strong>rstand<strong>in</strong>gs on their head, where <strong>in</strong>effect offences are consi<strong>de</strong>red crim<strong>in</strong>al because they are taken to the police, or civilbecause they are resolved via lisan—as opposed to the pr<strong>in</strong>ciples of mo<strong>de</strong>rn lawwhere an act is consi<strong>de</strong>red crim<strong>in</strong>al based on the seriousness of the offence and the<strong>in</strong>tent of the perpetrator. This carries with it important jurispru<strong>de</strong>ntial issues for thegovernment of <strong>Timor</strong>-<strong>Leste</strong>. As discussed <strong>in</strong> chapter five of this thesis, lisan isheavily gen<strong>de</strong>red and women are rarely given the right to actively participate <strong>in</strong> nahebiti boot discussions. The lack of voice for female victims of domestic violencemeans that, <strong>in</strong> practice, the choice of whether the offence is 'big enough' and shouldgo to the police is often ma<strong>de</strong> by others—perhaps the family, or other authorityfigures with<strong>in</strong> the suku. The lack of voice for women, together with the ten<strong>de</strong>ncy Iobserved for sometimes quite serious cases of domestic violence to be taken totraditional authority figures for resolution, appears to have <strong>in</strong> effect created a thirdcategory of offence specifically for domestic violence cases. This was the case <strong>in</strong> bothsubdistricts where domestic violence was viewed as different <strong>in</strong> quality to otherviolence, and alternately referred to <strong>in</strong> Fatulia as "violensia sivil" 42 , and <strong>in</strong> A<strong>in</strong>aro asviolence that is "per<strong>da</strong>ta" 43 . This general un<strong>de</strong>rstand<strong>in</strong>g of domestic violence as42 Violensia sivil: Tetun for civil violence43 Per<strong>da</strong>ta: Bahasa Indonesia for civil law154

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