124 ANDREA GRAZIOSIOn the personal plane, the despair of the first months was followed by aperiod of trae exaltation. This emerges clearly from the way in which Piatakovjustified his decisions in his 1928 conversation with Valentinov(quoted above) and from his speeches of 1928-1929. These wereilluminated by ideological sparks of the most extreme nature, picking up thethreads of ideas of ten years previously, and contained the theme of anappeal to the spirit and to the exertions, especially the personal exertions, ofthe Civil War.Thus it was with exaltation, ideological as well as psychological, thatPiatakov resolved on the personal level the conflict between pessimism andbuilding. On the economic level, this exaltation was embodied in the creditreform launched in 1930 and inspired by the most naive ideas of1917-1918. Its failure was already evident by the second half of that year,marked by the general ship-wreck of the first offensive thrust of the FirstFive-Year Plan.This new crisis, which for Piatakov was, again, <strong>also</strong> a personal one, sawthe end of the previous exaltation, in a climate characterized by renewedfear. For example, just before emigrating, Ipat'ev saw the "brave" Piatakov,whom he had admired in the past, mumbling excuses for not intervening onbehalf of persecuted spetsy whose integrity and competence he well knew.The fact is that Piatakov was already paying the price of his 1928 choices.His second-in-command at the Gosbank, Sher, had been arrested for sabotagebecause of the damage caused by the credit reform. And insinuationson Piatakov's own account were growing, as was blackmail (proof of hisdistant Menshevist sympathies were published in Kiev). Stalin, perhapsdisappointed by the trust he had placed in one he had thought of as anexpert economist, had begun his cat-and-mouse game.This game, whose preferred victims were the former leaders of the opposition,continued in subsequent years. Piatakov, however, was at first savedfrom its most devastating consequences, thanks to Stalin's decision to givehim another chance, perhaps on Ordzhonikidze's advice. That chance consistedof a job at the VSNKh, soon to be followed by that of conductingeconomic negotiations with Germany. His enormous success in this field inApril 1931 gave Piatakov a new lease on life, built, as we have seen, aroundthe NKTP and around Ordzhonikidze, who was by now <strong>also</strong> a source ofpsychological support. And, in fact, expressions of personal devotion—suchas "ia, pomimo vsiakogo riada sluzhebnoi subordinatsii, prosto lichno кtebe ochen' khorosho otnoshus' і schitaiu tebia, khotia і starshim, no odnimiz samykh maikh blizkikh tovarishchei"—can be found over and over againin Piatakov's post-1931 letters to Sergo. A certain percentage of adulation,in line with the spirit of the day, and the desire to keep Ordzhonikidze's
PIATAKOV: A MIRROR OF SOVIET HISTORY 125protection do not rale out, I believe, an element of sincerity. 17We thus come back to the dualism of the 1930s, which we mentioned inthe last section. On the one hand there was the NKTP first deputy—inWeissberg's words, a man "of iron will and boundless energy," who "knewpersonally every important works or factory in the country," who "neverseemed to stop working and at three o'clock in the morning could still befound hard at it in his office." On the other, there was Stalin's slave and victim,the fearful "red-haired Judas," to use the words of Trotsky's son, whomet him by chance in Berlin and saw him turn and ran away (very differentbehavior, for example, from that of I. N. Smirnov, who promised and gavehis old friends information about the crisis in the USSR).And yet Piatakov, too, must have "seen" what was happening, the conditionsin which building was taking place, the famine in Ukraine, the suicidesof old acquaintances like Mykola Skrypnyk. And, even if Piatakovwas no Bukharin, who reacted with bursts of tears and depression, theevents of those years must in some way have marked him. In view of hisworking rhythms, though, it is hard to believe what Berger, the ex-secretaryof the Communist party of Palestine, said of a Piatakov entirely aware ofthe harm he was doing, of the lie he was living, and who was again drowningthese feelings in drink. Perhaps Berger was mixing him up with Preobrazhenskii,who apparently drank, or with Smilga and Smirnov who, in1931, were, in fact, again of the opposition. But it is certain that Piatakov inthose years knew little or no stability, had no private life, and lived throughextremely difficult moments psychologically (apart from anything else, itseems that his wife, from whom he eventually separated, had become analcoholic).It is not surprising, therefore, that when it became clear that Stalin had<strong>also</strong> got the NKTP—Piatakov's reason for living—in his sights, Piatakov'scrisis reached a new stage. The attack on the NKTP, which began in 1935,became a full-fledged one in 1936. By June of that year, after having triedto defend his creation and having failed, Piatakov was a man ready to doanything.In line with the above-mentioned dualism, his reactions followed twolines. On the one side, Piatakov put, as never before, his fate in the hands ofOrdzhonikidze, renewing up to the last minute his pledges of friendship andpersonal devotion ("you appear for me not only as a member of the Politburoand a People's Commissar; you are for me the comrade to whom I ampersonally attached with all my soul") as well as of unselfish dedication to a17<strong>See</strong> <strong>also</strong> fh. 16.
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HARVARDUKRAINIAN STUDIESVolume XVI
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CONTENTSARTICLESOn the Chronology o
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Bella Gutterman, Be-vo ha-Ayma: Yeh
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8 OMELJANPRITSAKIcelandic data on
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10 OMELJANPRITSAKsinum ос moöur
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12 OMELJANPRITSAKhann itrygô at ra
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14 OMELJAN PRITSAK1.5.The anonymous
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16 OMEUAN PRUSAKmep jHİmr skipsogn
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18 OMELJANPRITSAKdrápa, which was
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20 OMELJANPRITSAKILI.Before analyzi
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22 OMELJANPRITSAKsumar Alexius Grik
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24 OMELJANPRITSAK9. ОТ was king o
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26 OMELJANPRITSAKThat slaying occur
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28 OMEUANPRTTSAKembarked on his com
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30 OMELJANPRITSAKUppsala, Eirikr in
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32 OMELJANPRITSAKLicicaviki," appea
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34 OMELJANPRITSAK1) The saga can ha
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36 OMELJANPRITSAKLIST OF ABBREVIATI
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38 HARVEY GOLDBLATTalmost all his a
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40 HARVEY GOLDBLATTspirituality who
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42 HARVEY GOLDBLATTIn the second pl
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44 HARVEY GOLDBLATTCyrrhus, Heraıi
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46 HARVEY GOLDBLATThowever, it is n
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48 HARVEY GOLDBLATTIn seeking to co
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50 HARVEY GOLDBLATThave cared littl
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52 HARVEY GOLDBLATTsemantic link, o
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54 HARVEY GOLDBLATTsource for the t
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56 HARVEY GOLDBLATTSpirit;" 79 and
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58 HARVEY GOLDBLATTAntioch and as a
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60 HARVEY GOLDBLATTheresy. 101 Here
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62 HARVEY GOLDBLATTseverely punishe
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64 HARVEY GOLDBLATTevangelical patt
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66 HARVEY GOLDBLATTThus, in the str
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68 PETER A. ROLLANDknowledge of con
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70 PETER A. ROLLANDAmong Soviet sch
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72 PETER A. ROLLANDbolorum et Emble
- Page 74 and 75: 74 PETER A. ROLLANDUnderneath this
- Page 76 and 77: 76 PETER A. ROLLANDsuggestive vocab
- Page 78 and 79: 78 PETER A. ROLLANDKorony, berła,
- Page 80 and 81: 80 PETER A. ROLLANDby their crown,
- Page 82 and 83: 82 PETER A. ROLLANDboth Polacki's w
- Page 84 and 85: 84 PETER A. ROLLANDBogactwo z corą
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- Page 88 and 89: 88 DARIUSZ KOŁODZIEJCZYKthe sixtee
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- Page 92 and 93: 92 DARIUSZ KOŁODZIEJCZYKcampaign)
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- Page 96 and 97: 96 DARIUSZ KOŁODZIEJCZYKis not to
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- Page 104 and 105: 104 ANDREA GRAZIOSILastly, Piatakov
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- Page 108 and 109: 108 ANDREA GRAZIOSIextreme economic
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- Page 112 and 113: 112 ANDREA GRAZIOSIPiatakov's other
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- Page 116 and 117: 116 ANDREA GRAZIOSIthat had spread
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- Page 122 and 123: 122 ANDREA GRAZIOSIhave already men
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- Page 128 and 129: 128 ANDREA GRAZIOSIStalin's influen
- Page 130 and 131: 130 ANDREA GRAZIOSIlatter, Trotsky
- Page 132 and 133: 132 ANDREA GRAZIOSImain leaders of
- Page 134 and 135: 134 ANDREA GRAZIOSIBut Stalin, too,
- Page 136 and 137: 136 ANDREA GRAZIOSIeconomic region,
- Page 138 and 139: 138 ANDREA GRAZIOSIUkraine between
- Page 140 and 141: 140 ANDREA GRAZIOSIThe offer was ac
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- Page 146 and 147: 146 ANDREA GRAZIOSIthe expected "so
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- Page 150 and 151: 150 ANDREA GRAZIOSIIn October 1925,
- Page 152 and 153: 152 ANDREA GRAZIOSIsocioeconomic fo
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- Page 158 and 159: 158 ANDREA GRAZIOSIThe ideas and co
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- Page 168 and 169: 168 В. N. FLORJAof the history of
- Page 170 and 171: 170 В. N. FLORJAthe Lviv Chronicle
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ESSAY*Ukraine between East and West
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176 ШСЖ SEVĞENKOof the West and
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178 fflOR SEVCENKOVenetian elements
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180 IHORSEVCENKOMoscow with the unl
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182 fflORSEVCENKOeighteenth centuri
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REVIEW ARTICLESA Bibliographic Key
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186 MARTA TARNAWSKYthought-out and
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188 MARTA TARNAWSKYResearch Institu
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190 MARTA TARNAWSKYreading and the
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The Captivated Mind: Two Studies of
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194 HAROLD B. SEGELmay never have e
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196 HAROLD B. SEGELRomantic outlook
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198 HAROLD B. SEGELhave come, but a
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200 ReviewsThe number of entries (a
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202 ReviewsThe richest part of the
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204 Reviewsamount of printing error
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206 Reviewswith the original French
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208 Reviewstraditional naked Christ
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210 ReviewsHnatenko, p. 15M. Гол
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212 Reviewscraft from books rather
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214 ReviewsA similar, albeit less r
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216 ReviewsPEASANTS WITH PROMISE: U
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218 Reviewsof that officer corps wh
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220 Reviewsthey remained pro-Bolshe
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222 Reviewsreference are given on t
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224 ReviewsTHE NATIONALITIES FACTOR
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226 Reviewsamply discuss, for examp
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228 ReviewsTwo of the diaries chose
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230 Reviewsshort biography of the a
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232 ReviewsHolocaust survivors from
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234 ReviewsJewish organizations, on
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236 ReviewsWhile Narys Istorii cont