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ARTIFICIAL HELLS

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incidental people<br />

Main hall of the Cedric Price building in Kentish Town, London, undated<br />

premised on undoing such cultural hierarchies. This situation finds an<br />

uncomfortable parallel in the relationship of participatory and socially<br />

engaged art to New Labour cultural funding policy in England (1997–<br />

2010), discussed in Chapter 1.<br />

In short, the 1974 report seemed to backfire since its vagueness gave the<br />

Arts Council the tools to redevelop community arts for its own ends, i.e. as<br />

‘social provision’ (face painting for deprived children, getting teenagers to<br />

paint the walls of community centres) rather than community empowerment<br />

fomenting and supporting campaigns for social justice. One could<br />

argue that the original impetus of community arts – as a dehierarchised,<br />

participatory mode of art making – found its popular legacy in the 1980s in<br />

an emergent rave culture, through groups such as the Survival Research<br />

Lab and the Mutoid Waste Company making large- scale temporary installations<br />

from recycled materials at outdoor festivals. 98 Its ‘high art’ legacy is<br />

the softly- softly approach of present- day socially engaged art, where situations<br />

of negation, disruption and antagonism (the hallmarks of the historic<br />

avant- garde) are no longer perceived as viable methods. Sean Cubitt has<br />

articulated this convention as follows:<br />

The problem with art undertaken in the public sphere, with its faint aura<br />

of social therapy and social work, is that though it may develop expressive<br />

powers in participants, we are always reluctant to tear down the<br />

fragile unity of the self that is being expressed. That is the kind of risk it<br />

is perhaps fair to ask of yourself, but not of others, relative strangers. 99<br />

189

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