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ARTIFICIAL HELLS

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je participe, tu participes, il participe<br />

of SI writings (in particular Ken Knabb’s 1981 anthology) create a misleading<br />

impression by obscuring the group’s cultural analyses in favour of<br />

political ones, thereby de- emphasising the SI’s abiding interest in issues of<br />

visual and literary culture. As a consequence, he argues, what makes the<br />

SI (and Debord in particular) distinctive tends to disappear: ‘its paradoxical<br />

blend of the concreteness of the political manifesto with a poetic<br />

elusiveness’. 28<br />

My own position on the SI is one of ambivalent bystander, exhausted<br />

by the SI’s elitism, ad hominem attacks and vitriolic superiority, but invigorated<br />

by their theorisations of détournement, the dérive and ‘constructed<br />

situations’. 29 For Debord, there had been no revolutionary movements in<br />

politics or modern art since the end of the 1930s, and the task of the SI was<br />

therefore not to subordinate art to politics, but to revive both modern art<br />

and revolutionary politics by surpassing them both – that is, by realising<br />

what was the most revolutionary demand of the historic avant- garde, the<br />

integration of art and life. This Hegelian sublation implied a tabula rasa:<br />

art and poetry should be suppressed in order to be realised as a fuller,<br />

more enriching life. 30 Herein lies the central paradox of the SI’s nihilist<br />

romanticism: art is to be renounced, but for the sake of making everyday<br />

life as rich and thrilling as art, in order to overcome the crushing mediocrity<br />

of alienation. This is why their writings are anti- visual, but not<br />

necessarily a rejection of the aesthetic per se: art and poetry remain the<br />

perpetual benchmarks for passionate, intense, experimental, non- alienated<br />

experience. The SI therefore had no reservations about calling itself<br />

an artistic avant- garde, but this was just one aspect of a triple identity, the<br />

others being ‘an experimental investigation of the free construction of<br />

daily life’, and ‘a contribution to the theoretical and practical articulation<br />

of a new revolutionary contestation’. 31<br />

Even so, there could be no Situationist works of art, wrote Debord, only<br />

Situationist uses of works of art. In an article from 1963, he provides some<br />

examples of art’s revolutionary function, including the example of a group<br />

of students in Caracas who made an armed attack on an exhibition of<br />

French art and carried off five paintings which they subsequently offered to<br />

return in exchange for the release of political prisoners. ‘This is clearly an<br />

exemplary way to treat the art of the past, to bring it back into play for what<br />

really matters in life’, remarks Debord, observing that Gauguin and Van<br />

Gogh had probably never received such an appropriate homage. 32 Another<br />

important example was the UK activist group Spies for Peace, who viewed<br />

the British government’s use of the threat of nuclear war as a way to control<br />

a docile populace. The group broke into a high- security military compound<br />

near Reading (RSG- 6, the ‘Regional Seat of Government’) and copied<br />

information concerning the UK government’s emergency- shelter plans for<br />

politicians and civil service personnel. This information was published in<br />

4,000 pamphlets (Danger! Official Secret RSG- 6) and widely distributed,<br />

83

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