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ARTIFICIAL HELLS

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artificial hells<br />

suggesting that destructive modes of participation might be more inclusive<br />

than those that purport to be democratically open. 25 This is an uncomfortable<br />

conclusion to support: as is well known, Futurism’s embrace of nation<br />

and war came to establish the ideological foundations of Italian Fascism,<br />

and as Walter Benjamin pointed out, Fascism is precisely the political<br />

formation that allows people to participate in, and enjoy, the spectacle of<br />

their own destruction. 26 In 1924, Leon Trotsky asked:<br />

did not Italian Fascism come into power by ‘revolutionary’ methods, by<br />

bringing into action the masses, the mobs and the millions, and by<br />

tempering and arming them? It is not an accident, it is not a misunderstanding,<br />

that Italian Futurism has merged into the torrent of Fascism; it<br />

is entirely in accord with the law of cause and effect. 27<br />

Trotsky goes on to point out the similarity of means between Italian<br />

Fascism and the Russian Revolution. The difference between the two, he<br />

explains, is that ‘We stepped into the Revolution while the Futurists fell<br />

into it.’ 28 In other words, if Italian Futurism blindly harnessed participatory<br />

destruction, then collective cultural production in post- revolutionary<br />

Russia was based on strategic affirmations of social change.<br />

II. Theatricalising Life<br />

In the years immediately following the 1917 Revolution, the triad of author,<br />

work of art and audience underwent an ideological reprogramming that<br />

spanned art, theatre and music. In general terms, the aim was to bring<br />

cultural practice into line with the Bolshevik Revolution, although what<br />

exactly this comprised was a fraught question: to reduce the aristocracy’s<br />

grip on culture, or to promote cultural production by the working class?<br />

To abandon traditional media and embrace new technology, or to destroy<br />

bourgeois culture altogether? To reflect social reality, or to produce it? The<br />

best- known examples of the post- revolutionary avant- garde – defined<br />

initially as Futurist, then Constructivist, and after 1921 as Productivist –<br />

dealt with these questions by rejecting bourgeois, individually produced<br />

forms of art (such as painting), founded in taste and produced for a patron<br />

market, in favour of practices integrated into industrial production and<br />

designed for collective reception. Artists such as Tatlin, Rodchenko,<br />

Popova and Stepanova sought a social and practical application for their<br />

work, designing clothing, ceramics, posters and furniture for mass production<br />

and consumption. In the discussion that follows I will not be focusing<br />

on this elision of the fine and applied arts, but rather on theatre and performance<br />

as privileged vehicles for collective participation. Although film is<br />

frequently regarded as the advanced art form par excellence of the Soviet<br />

Revolution, it is the immediacy, economy and proliferation of theatrical<br />

49

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