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ARTIFICIAL HELLS

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former west<br />

As Dion indicates, this change of approach to exhibition-making –<br />

embedding artists in the social field, with the request that they work with<br />

specific constituencies – not only changed the artists’ relationship to the<br />

work of art (which became a set of more or less finely tuned social relationships,<br />

rather than a portable or even visible object), it also changed the<br />

viewer’s relationship to seeing art. Johanne Lamoureux has noted how sitespecific<br />

exhibitions turn the viewer into a flâneur or tourist: ‘the traditional<br />

exhibition, complete with its clashes and joys in the placing of works, yields<br />

to the journey. As the map substitutes for the picture, the city replaces the<br />

museum.’ 32 With ‘Culture in Action’, even the city ceded and dissolved into<br />

social constituencies. As a consequence, the demands placed upon the<br />

viewer were even tougher, to the point where spectatorship became an<br />

almost impossible position. Christian Philipp Müller recalls the anticlimactic<br />

nature of the official bus tour: hours of traffic had to be negotiated<br />

in order to see the eight projects, but there was barely anything to view at<br />

each site. The artists Grennan and Sperandio, who had collaborated with<br />

unionised members of a confectionary plant to design and produce their<br />

own candy bar called We Got It!, recall that their stop ‘took in a display in<br />

a supermarket retailing the chocolate, with a meet and greet and free gift’. 33<br />

Müller’s memory of this was even more fleeting: being driven at high speed<br />

past a billboard advertising We Got It! with Mary Jane Jacob exclaiming<br />

‘There it is! There it is! . . . Oh, you missed it.’ 34<br />

The emergence of the term ‘project’ to describe the new social orientation<br />

of art emerges with full force at this juncture. ‘Project Unité’<br />

self- evidently references this shift by referring to its entire enterprise as a<br />

‘project’, with all the connotations of an architectural project that organises<br />

social relations. In the catalogue for ‘Sonsbeek 93’, Valerie Smith<br />

states that she would like to include ‘collaborative projects, which would<br />

directly question the idea of a single artistic identity and celebrate collective<br />

creativity’: ‘In “Sonsbeek 93” artists are penetrating institutions.<br />

They take on another role, like . . . working in a prison, making a radio<br />

narrative, making a work where you have to eat a meal in a restaurant.’ 35<br />

Although Mary Jane Jacob doesn’t define the term ‘project’, it is her<br />

systematic word of choice for the eight practices she presented in ‘Culture<br />

in Action’: all are embedded in real social systems and involve participation<br />

with lower class or marginalised communities. On a formal level they<br />

are uncertain in their beginnings and endings, and impossible to represent<br />

visually through photographic documentation. In terms of a social goal,<br />

the projects in ‘Culture in Action’ are also somewhat contradictory: on the<br />

one hand, they express an activist desire to be interacting directly with<br />

new audiences and accomplishing concrete goals; on the other, they do<br />

this through an embrace of open- endedness, in which the artist is reconfigured<br />

as a facilitator of others’ creativity. The inadequacy of the<br />

traditional catalogue format to convey this conflicting agenda is painfully<br />

205

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