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Mathur Ritika Passi

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federal state with unitary characteristics,<br />

depending on the interpretative bias of the<br />

individual researcher.<br />

Two key constitutional provisions ensure<br />

the dominance of the Union government.<br />

The functional areas on which the Union<br />

and State Legislatures can act are clearly<br />

set out in separate lists, along with a third<br />

list where either can legislate. But a residual<br />

provision ensures that Union legislation<br />

always dominates over state-level legislation<br />

within the combined list. Further, the Union<br />

government enjoys the constitutional right<br />

to dismiss any state government, in the event<br />

there is a breakdown of the constitutional<br />

provisions due to an emergency like war,<br />

domestic turmoil or fiscal meltdown.<br />

Additional centralising drivers in the<br />

constitution make the judiciary vertically<br />

integrated, though state governments have<br />

greater leeway in appointing the lower<br />

judiciary. The senior bureaucracy and<br />

police is similarly selected, appointed and<br />

managed by the Union government through<br />

a specific provision. The supreme audit body<br />

is common for both the Union and the state<br />

governments.<br />

The Scheme for Intergovernmental Fiscal<br />

Transfers<br />

The bulk of the fiscal resources are with<br />

the Union government, although they are<br />

shared with the provincial governments on<br />

the basis of recommendations of a Finance<br />

Commission, appointed every five years.<br />

Currently around 50% of the aggregate<br />

revenue resources of the Union government<br />

are transferred to the state governments.<br />

State governments in turn allocate<br />

resources to local governments, using<br />

the recommendations of their own State<br />

Finance Commissions. This asymmetry in<br />

fiscal powers ensures basic symmetry in<br />

developmental policies, incubated primarily<br />

by the Union government.<br />

Political Plurality<br />

Despite political plurality being embedded<br />

in the constitution, the force of history<br />

helped the Congress Party, which was<br />

the main political party at the time of<br />

independence in 1947, to retain power<br />

at the Centre and in a majority of the<br />

provincial governments for thirty years.<br />

Ensuring coordinated action between<br />

the Union and state governments was<br />

consequently an issue of inner party<br />

management discipline, much as it is in<br />

single-party nations like China.<br />

Post 1990, there have been significant<br />

changes in the political landscape, such as<br />

the fruition of multiparty rule in keeping<br />

with the federal structure of the constitution.<br />

First, India has had long periods of<br />

coalition governments at the Central level,<br />

initially in the late 1970s and again after<br />

1990. This is an outcome of a growing<br />

asymmetry between local and regional<br />

political parties, which are strong at the<br />

provincial level, and others which have the<br />

capacity to form a national government.<br />

India is large and heterogeneous, and<br />

asymmetry in political power across the<br />

country is a signal of political inclusion<br />

and maturity. But it does complicate the<br />

business of implementing developmental<br />

projects, particularly those of a network<br />

character like infrastructure—roads,<br />

interstate river development, railways,<br />

telecommunication and electricity.<br />

Productive federalism has to be consensual<br />

to be effective. But the efficiency costs are<br />

significant due to stretched time lines for<br />

decision-making; higher operational risks<br />

of policy reversal; and the incorporation<br />

of operational processes which are flexible<br />

enough to incorporate local conditions.<br />

This is still very much a learning process<br />

for a polity which values templates and<br />

equality above equity.<br />

Enhanced Political Predictability<br />

The resilience of the political architecture<br />

can be gauged from the fact that political<br />

stability has not been unduly affected<br />

by political plurality. The constitutional<br />

provision for evoking a national emergency<br />

has not been used since 1977, and the use<br />

of the constitutional power to dismiss a<br />

state government has been strictly regulated<br />

since 1994 by a decision of the Supreme<br />

Court. 5 However, selective curtailment of<br />

provincial powers in some border states has<br />

been necessary to deal with extremism and<br />

terrorism.<br />

The Indian constitution has been<br />

amended 100 times in the last 65 years<br />

78

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