Mathur Ritika Passi
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federal state with unitary characteristics,<br />
depending on the interpretative bias of the<br />
individual researcher.<br />
Two key constitutional provisions ensure<br />
the dominance of the Union government.<br />
The functional areas on which the Union<br />
and State Legislatures can act are clearly<br />
set out in separate lists, along with a third<br />
list where either can legislate. But a residual<br />
provision ensures that Union legislation<br />
always dominates over state-level legislation<br />
within the combined list. Further, the Union<br />
government enjoys the constitutional right<br />
to dismiss any state government, in the event<br />
there is a breakdown of the constitutional<br />
provisions due to an emergency like war,<br />
domestic turmoil or fiscal meltdown.<br />
Additional centralising drivers in the<br />
constitution make the judiciary vertically<br />
integrated, though state governments have<br />
greater leeway in appointing the lower<br />
judiciary. The senior bureaucracy and<br />
police is similarly selected, appointed and<br />
managed by the Union government through<br />
a specific provision. The supreme audit body<br />
is common for both the Union and the state<br />
governments.<br />
The Scheme for Intergovernmental Fiscal<br />
Transfers<br />
The bulk of the fiscal resources are with<br />
the Union government, although they are<br />
shared with the provincial governments on<br />
the basis of recommendations of a Finance<br />
Commission, appointed every five years.<br />
Currently around 50% of the aggregate<br />
revenue resources of the Union government<br />
are transferred to the state governments.<br />
State governments in turn allocate<br />
resources to local governments, using<br />
the recommendations of their own State<br />
Finance Commissions. This asymmetry in<br />
fiscal powers ensures basic symmetry in<br />
developmental policies, incubated primarily<br />
by the Union government.<br />
Political Plurality<br />
Despite political plurality being embedded<br />
in the constitution, the force of history<br />
helped the Congress Party, which was<br />
the main political party at the time of<br />
independence in 1947, to retain power<br />
at the Centre and in a majority of the<br />
provincial governments for thirty years.<br />
Ensuring coordinated action between<br />
the Union and state governments was<br />
consequently an issue of inner party<br />
management discipline, much as it is in<br />
single-party nations like China.<br />
Post 1990, there have been significant<br />
changes in the political landscape, such as<br />
the fruition of multiparty rule in keeping<br />
with the federal structure of the constitution.<br />
First, India has had long periods of<br />
coalition governments at the Central level,<br />
initially in the late 1970s and again after<br />
1990. This is an outcome of a growing<br />
asymmetry between local and regional<br />
political parties, which are strong at the<br />
provincial level, and others which have the<br />
capacity to form a national government.<br />
India is large and heterogeneous, and<br />
asymmetry in political power across the<br />
country is a signal of political inclusion<br />
and maturity. But it does complicate the<br />
business of implementing developmental<br />
projects, particularly those of a network<br />
character like infrastructure—roads,<br />
interstate river development, railways,<br />
telecommunication and electricity.<br />
Productive federalism has to be consensual<br />
to be effective. But the efficiency costs are<br />
significant due to stretched time lines for<br />
decision-making; higher operational risks<br />
of policy reversal; and the incorporation<br />
of operational processes which are flexible<br />
enough to incorporate local conditions.<br />
This is still very much a learning process<br />
for a polity which values templates and<br />
equality above equity.<br />
Enhanced Political Predictability<br />
The resilience of the political architecture<br />
can be gauged from the fact that political<br />
stability has not been unduly affected<br />
by political plurality. The constitutional<br />
provision for evoking a national emergency<br />
has not been used since 1977, and the use<br />
of the constitutional power to dismiss a<br />
state government has been strictly regulated<br />
since 1994 by a decision of the Supreme<br />
Court. 5 However, selective curtailment of<br />
provincial powers in some border states has<br />
been necessary to deal with extremism and<br />
terrorism.<br />
The Indian constitution has been<br />
amended 100 times in the last 65 years<br />
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