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BUILD<strong>IN</strong>G AN ARMY FOR ZA<strong>IN</strong>AB n 25<br />
replaced the previous Shiite militia structure, whereby these militias were<br />
localized institutions with links to Syria’s army and intelligence. 150 Some Sadrist-related<br />
fighters neither fully shared Iran’s ideology nor were members of<br />
its proxy organizations.<br />
From the start of the recruitment effort in Iraq, potential fighters were<br />
first routed through Iran and then flown to Syria. In April 2013, following<br />
the return of the bodies of ten Shiite fighters killed in Syria, Iraqi officials<br />
noted the “missing link [on their passports] between when they left for Iran<br />
and when their bodies arrived in Iraq from Syria.” 151 Other younger recruits<br />
with the Badr Organization claimed they were trained in Iran over twoweek<br />
periods. 152<br />
Following the first two main ideologically based fighter deployments,<br />
in Iraq popular committees acting as subcommittees for other organizations<br />
emerged. They often advertised ties to a parent group and would take<br />
the lead in recruitment efforts. The most active and largest of these was the<br />
PCMDSZ, which was used to recruit fighters for various Iranian proxies. The<br />
PCMDSZ focused heavily on displaying posters praising the martyrdom of<br />
Shiite fighters around Shiite holy sites. In particular, routes traveled by pilgrims<br />
in Karbala and Najaf featured phone numbers to call for those interested<br />
in defending Shiite holy sites. Recruitment in Hezbollah, by contrast,<br />
did not involve subcommittees but rather more direct entreaties by members<br />
to potential recruits. All the same, similar techniques were used to those in<br />
Iraq. Posters in Dahiya advertised phone numbers potential fighters could call<br />
to defend Sayyeda Zainab. 153<br />
Familial Links, Scouts, and Underage Fighters<br />
Family connections and youth wings established by Iran’s Lebanese and Iraqi<br />
Shiite proxies constituted core means of recruitment for the Syrian jihad.<br />
Some of the youths who fought were indeed very young, and during the<br />
recruitment peak period of November 2013 to January 2014, slain youth combatants<br />
were actively promoted in martyrdom posters and online.<br />
Family connections are suggested by specific casualties. Hussein Ajeeb Jadha,<br />
the brother of LAFA’s leader, Abu Ajeeb, died fighting in the winter of 2012.<br />
Hamza al-Darraji, the son of LAFA leader Abu Ali al-Darraji, had both legs<br />
amputated after being seriously wounded in combat. Both Darraji and his son<br />
eventually returned to Iraq, where the family’s commitment to fighting Sunni<br />
jihadists was actively promoted as a symbol of strength and commitment.