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THE SHIITE JIHAD IN SYRIA AND ITS REGIONAL EFFECTS

PolicyFocus138-v3

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BUILD<strong>IN</strong>G AN ARMY FOR ZA<strong>IN</strong>AB n 35<br />

The extensive linkages between Maliki’s State of Law Alliance and numerous<br />

Iraqi Shiite proxies of Iran that sent forces to Syria further suggest that<br />

these proxies may have fielded recruits from official Iraqi units. Maliki’s<br />

increasing politicization and sectarianization of the Iraqi military and internal<br />

security branches provided further openings for Iran-backed groups that filtered<br />

into the Iraqi defense establishment. 191<br />

Alongside AAH, the Badr Organization is another group well represented<br />

within the Iraqi security forces, with significant numbers positioned<br />

in key units within ISF and Iraqi military units. According to the Guardian,<br />

“After the Pentagon lifted a ban on Shia militias joining the security<br />

forces, the special police commando (SPC) membership was increasingly<br />

drawn from violent Shia groups such as the Badr brigades.” 192 Even during<br />

the U.S. occupation of Iraq, the Badr Organization had thoroughly infiltrated<br />

other specialized commando units, particularly those affiliated with<br />

the Ministry of Interior. 193<br />

The RRF in Syria also has links to the Iraqi security establishment, with its<br />

name and raison d’etre essentially echoing the Iraqi military’s and ISF’s own<br />

“emergency response units” (ERUs), which are manned by Muqtada al-Sadr<br />

supporters and particularly fighters loyal to the Badr Organization. 194 Reinforcing<br />

this development, martyrdom posters for the Badr Organization’s Qassem<br />

Jamil al-Salami and Hassan Hadi al-Maryani, both killed in Iraq, show<br />

the former in an ERU uniform and the latter in SWAT/ISOF fatigues. 195<br />

Elsewhere in Syria, individuals involved in LAFA-related groups have<br />

regularly paraded symbols linked to the Iraqi military. Abu Ajeeb, the<br />

group’s commander, was pictured wearing ISOF patches. 196 Indeed, a connection<br />

between Abu Ajeeb and Iraq’s special forces would, if nothing else,<br />

dispel rebel narratives claiming he was a “vegetable seller from the northwestern<br />

governorate of Idlib.” 197 Abu Ali al-Darraji, another LAFA-affiliated<br />

commander, also sported special forces patches. Nevertheless, as noted in an<br />

earlier section, he was reportedly an Iraqi refugee applying for asylum while<br />

exiled in Syria, making his special forces membership unlikely. Others in the<br />

LAFA network to feature Iraqi military gear—in this case, from the army—<br />

included Abu Dhima al-Amr, an LIH commander. 198 Abu Fatima al-Musawi,<br />

a LAFA cofounder and now leader of the AAH-inspired LAAG, was pictured<br />

with ISOF epaulettes. 199<br />

Beyond the possibilities already implied, a number of potential explanations<br />

may be offered for these groups’ promotion of ties and overlap with<br />

official Iraqi government armed units:

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