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JO<strong>IN</strong><strong>IN</strong>G OF FRONTS n 53<br />
Darraji’s unit, consisting of Syria veterans, 282 appears to have engaged in<br />
its first Iraqi operations in June 2014 near Tikrit. In mid-August, the branch<br />
was reportedly attempting to advance toward the city of Mosul. 283 According<br />
to its Facebook page, the group also fought alongside Badr Organization<br />
elements in Awja, a town near Tikrit’s airport. 284<br />
During a fight near Baghdad’s airport, the LAFA–Darraji Branch had<br />
the distinction of receiving an exclusive CNN interview. 285 One of the interviewed<br />
fighters, a Syria veteran, had previously served with an Iraqi Shiite<br />
militant group that fought U.S. forces during the Iraq war. 286 CNN’s Arwa<br />
Damon claimed the group was “applying skills they learned from attacking<br />
U.S. troops.” 287 Most ironic in this context were Darraji’s hopes, after the<br />
fighting ends, to “[apply] for asylum in the west someday.” 288<br />
Yet another LAFA-type group announced in summer 2014 was QQAFA,<br />
commanded by Sheikh Auws al-Khafaji, a Sadrist Movement figure who<br />
had visited Shiite forces in Damascus in May. The announcement that<br />
Sheikh Abu Kamil al-Lami had attained a leadership role in the group signaled<br />
Iran’s hand in its creation. Earlier in 2014, Lami, originally an AAH<br />
commander, had been involved in operations that included AAH and the<br />
Iraqi army in Fallujah. 289 QQAFA was also actively promoted by fighters<br />
and pages associated with Liwa Dhulfiqar and the RRF, whereas it went<br />
unmentioned in LAFA-Syria online networks. 290<br />
In August, LAFA-Syria announced the creation of its own Iraq wing 291<br />
with a seasoned commander, Sheikh Izz al-Din al-Darraji, who reportedly<br />
led the Sayyeda Zainab– and Iraq-based Association of the Supporters of<br />
Imam al-Mahdi (Rabita Ansar al-Imam al-Mahdi). 292 He had also served<br />
as LAFA-Syria’s Iraq representative and recruiter. LAFA-Syria likewise<br />
reverted to its messaging mode adopted in early 2013, which increasingly<br />
promoted loyalty to Bashar al-Assad and a more generalized and less ideologically<br />
specific Shiite Islamic image. 293<br />
Reflecting the shift toward Iraq, HHN and Kataib Hezbollah both<br />
established their own popular committees formed around local recruits. The<br />
latter’s Saraya al-Difa al-Shabi was one of the first groups to be announced,<br />
and it began recruitment efforts two months before the main ISIS advance<br />
in June. Established training camps included one facility for HHN in<br />
Kumayt, Maysan, where up to a hundred fighters were shown performing<br />
basic calisthenics and marching. 294<br />
Recruitment and deployments have continued. In Samarra, AAH and<br />
Kataib Hezbollah are heavily deployed and have taken control of main sec-