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Thinking, Fast and Slow - Daniel Kahneman

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“history of one’s wealth”: Other factors contributed to the longevity of Bernoulli’s theory. One<br />

is that it is natural to formulate choices between gambles in terms of gains, or mixed gains <strong>and</strong><br />

losses. Not many people thought about choices in which all options are bad, although we were<br />

by no means the first to observe risk seeking. Another fact that favors Bernoulli’s theory is that<br />

thinking in terms of final states of wealth <strong>and</strong> ignoring the past is often a very reasonable thing<br />

to do. Economists were traditionally concerned with rational choices, <strong>and</strong> Bernoulli’s model<br />

suited their goal.<br />

ast="2%"><br />

26: Prospect Theory<br />

subjective value of wealth: Stanley S. Stevens, “To Honor Fechner <strong>and</strong> Repeal His Law,”<br />

Science 133 (1961): 80–86. Stevens, Psychophysics.<br />

The three principles: Writing this sentence reminded me that the graph of the value function<br />

has already been used as an emblem. Every Nobel laureate receives an individual certificate<br />

with a personalized drawing, which is presumably chosen by the committee. My illustration<br />

was a stylized rendition of figure 10.<br />

“loss aversion ratio”: The loss aversion ratio is often found to be in the range of 1. 5 <strong>and</strong> 2.5:<br />

Nathan Novemsky <strong>and</strong> <strong>Daniel</strong> <strong>Kahneman</strong>, “The Boundaries of Loss Aversion,” Journal of<br />

Marketing Research 42 (2005): 119–28.<br />

emotional reaction to losses: Peter Sokol-Hessner et al., “<strong>Thinking</strong> Like a Trader Selectively<br />

Reduces Individuals’ Loss Aversion,” PNAS 106 (2009): 5035–40.<br />

Rabin’s theorem: For several consecutive years, I gave a guest lecture in the introductory<br />

finance class of my colleague Burton Malkiel. I discussed the implausibility of Bernoulli’s<br />

theory each year. I noticed a distinct change in my colleague’s attitude when I first mentioned<br />

Rabin’s proof. He was now prepared to take the conclusion much more seriously than in the<br />

past. Mathematical arguments have a definitive quality that is more compelling than appeals to<br />

common sense. Economists are particularly sensitive to this advantage.<br />

rejects that gamble: The intuition of the proof can be illustrated by an example. Suppose an<br />

individual’s wealth is W, <strong>and</strong> she rejects a gamble with equal probabilities to win $11 or lose<br />

$10. If the utility function for wealth is concave (bent down), the preference implies that the<br />

value of $1 has decreased by over 9% over an interval of $21! This is an extraordinarily steep<br />

decline <strong>and</strong> the effect increases steadily as the gambles become more extreme.<br />

“Even a lousy lawyer”: Matthew Rabin, “Risk Aversion <strong>and</strong> Expected-Utility Theory: A<br />

Calibration Theorem,” Econometrica 68 (2000): 1281–92. Matthew Rabin <strong>and</strong> Richard H.<br />

Thaler, “Anomalies: Risk Aversion,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 15 (2001): 219–32.<br />

economists <strong>and</strong> psychologists: Several theorists have proposed versions of regret theories that<br />

are built on the idea that people are able to anticipate how their future experiences will be<br />

affected by the options that did not materialize <strong>and</strong>/or by the choices they did not make: David<br />

E. Bell, “Regret in Decision Making Under Uncertainty,” Operations Research 30 (1982):

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