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Thinking, Fast and Slow - Daniel Kahneman

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eliminate the misconceptions. They devised an elaborate training procedure in which the<br />

participants experienced the roles of both buyers <strong>and</strong> sellers, <strong>and</strong> were explicitly taught to<br />

assess their true values. As expected, the endowment effect disappeared. Plott <strong>and</strong> Zeiler view<br />

their method as an important improvement of technique. Psychologists would consider the<br />

method severely deficient, because it communicates to the participants a message of what the<br />

experimenters consider appropriate behavior, which happens to coincide with the<br />

experimenters’ theory. Plott <strong>and</strong> Zeiler’s favored version of Kne {ers): tsch’s exchange<br />

experiment is similarly biased: It does not allow the owner of the good to have physical<br />

possession of it, which is crucial to the effect. See Charles R. Plott <strong>and</strong> Kathryn Zeiler,<br />

“Exchange Asymmetries Incorrectly Interpreted as Evidence of Endowment Effect Theory <strong>and</strong><br />

Prospect Theory?” American Economic Review 97 (2007): 1449–66. There may be an impasse<br />

here, where each side rejects the methods required by the other.<br />

People who are poor: In their studies of decision making under poverty, Eldar Shafir, Sendhil<br />

Mullainathan, <strong>and</strong> their colleagues have observed other instances in which poverty induces<br />

economic behavior that is in some respects more realistic <strong>and</strong> more rational than that of people<br />

who are better off. The poor are more likely to respond to real outcomes than to their<br />

description. Marianne Bertr<strong>and</strong>, Sendhil Mullainathan, <strong>and</strong> Eldar Shafir, “Behavioral<br />

Economics <strong>and</strong> Marketing in Aid of Decision Making Among the Poor,” Journal of Public<br />

Policy & Marketing 25 (2006): 8–23.<br />

in the United States <strong>and</strong> in the UK: The conclusion that money spent on purchases is not<br />

experienced as a loss is more likely to be true for people who are relatively well-off. The key<br />

may be whether you are aware when you buy one good that you will not be unable to afford<br />

another good. Novemsky <strong>and</strong> <strong>Kahneman</strong>, “The Boundaries of Loss Aversion.” Ian Bateman et<br />

al., “Testing Competing Models of Loss Aversion: An Adversarial Collaboration,” Journal of<br />

Public Economics 89 (2005): 1561–80.<br />

28: Bad Events<br />

heartbeat accelerated: Paul J. Whalen et al., “Human Amygdala Responsivity to Masked<br />

Fearful Eye Whites,” Science 306 (2004): 2061. Individuals with focal lesions of the amygdala<br />

showed little or no loss aversion in their risky choices: Benedetto De Martino, Colin F.<br />

Camerer, <strong>and</strong> Ralph Adolphs, “Amygdala Damage Eliminates Monetary Loss Aversion,”<br />

PNAS 107 (2010): 3788–92.<br />

bypassing the visual cortex: Joseph LeDoux, The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious<br />

Underpinnings of Emotional Life (New York: Touchstone, 1996).<br />

processed faster: Elaine Fox et al., “Facial Expressions of Emotion: Are Angry Faces Detected<br />

More Efficiently?” Cognition & Emotion 14 (2000): 61–92.<br />

“pops out”: Christine Hansen <strong>and</strong> Ranald Hansen, “Finding the Face in the Crowd: An Anger<br />

Superiority Effect,” Journal of Personality <strong>and</strong> Social Psychology 54 (1988): 917–24.

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