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Discord Consensus

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centuries, dwelling on the revolt against the Spanish Habsburgs –​an<br />

unsurprising choice, given the contemporary popularity of the period<br />

among local and foreign commentators on Low Countries history (to<br />

which we return), and the fact that Grattan’s historical novel The Heiress<br />

of Bruges, also published in 1830, was subtitled ‘a tale of the year 1600’. 16<br />

Much of the eighteenth century is covered by a long, single chapter that<br />

shuttles back and forth between the Northern and Southern Netherlands.<br />

The French period takes up the penultimate chapter, before a short section<br />

concludes the book with Napoleon’s defeats and the inauguration<br />

of William I as king of the reunited Netherlands, which now ‘form an<br />

arch of common strength, able to resist the weight of such invasions as<br />

had perpetually perilled, and often crushed, their separate independence’<br />

(351). Grattan’s support for the new Orange dispensation thus<br />

becomes obvious in the closing pages –​his decision to go no further than<br />

1815 may partly owe to a relative lack of usable historical sources about<br />

recent events, as compared with the riches on which he could draw for<br />

earlier times, but it also allowed him to sidestep the difficulties which,<br />

as a Brussels-​based observer, he could not help but notice. Like most foreign<br />

observers, though, Grattan seems to have been unaware that sporadic<br />

Belgian complaints could quickly coalesce into a full-​blown revolt,<br />

and stuck to the British hope that William’s United Kingdom could go on<br />

fulfilling its role within Europe. 17<br />

Grattan’s stance oscillates between that of a semi-​professional,<br />

detached historian, and a more resolute admiration for a (Protestant)<br />

love of freedom and independence. Writing at a time when the historical<br />

profession in Europe was only just emerging as a full-​blown discipline,<br />

and was still far from thoroughly institutionalised in British<br />

universities, 18 Grattan still gave his work the features of a ‘scholarly’<br />

approach. He regularly acknowledges sources in footnotes, although his<br />

references are limited to names and occasionally titles, while page numbers<br />

are often missing. Passages where footnotes appear can turn out<br />

to be loose translations of Grattan’s sources. Compare Grattan on late<br />

eighteenth-​century Belgium: ‘The whole combinations of European policy<br />

were staked on the question of the French possession of this country’<br />

(317), and the Abbé de Pradt’s De la Belgique depuis 1789 jusqu’en 1794:<br />

‘défendre la Belgique contre la France, ou lui abandonner cette superbe<br />

possession, changeait toute la combinaison de la politique européenne’<br />

(7–​8). In this respect, Grattan resembles the ‘eighteenth-​century compilers’<br />

who abridged previous work and ‘added snippets of information<br />

from other sources’. 19 His History still partakes of an eighteenth-​century<br />

historiography where ‘the idea of authorship was not yet definitely<br />

44<br />

DISCORD AND CONSENSUS IN THE LOW COUNTRIES, 1700–​2000

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