Beyond clickbait and commerce
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Tanner et al. (2005: 187) identify three levels at which conflicts<br />
of interest may occur in media settings: institutional (arising from<br />
conflicts between editorial <strong>and</strong> commercial sides of a media<br />
organisation); process (which may occur, for example, through<br />
‘capture’ of journalists by valued sources <strong>and</strong> contacts, or from<br />
pressure induced by gifts of such goods as travel), <strong>and</strong> personal<br />
(arising from individual loyalties).<br />
It will be seen from the three case studies in this paper that lack of<br />
disclosure, plausibility <strong>and</strong> institutional culture are major factors in<br />
contemporary media’s conflict of interest problems.<br />
Professional expectations<br />
The importance of managing <strong>and</strong> resisting conflicts of interest is<br />
reflected in journalism’s codes of ethics across the Western world,<br />
as noted by Keeble (2001) in his enumeration <strong>and</strong> analysis of the<br />
values underpinning these codes. Avoidance of such conflicts<br />
ranks with other core values such as fairness, separation of fact<br />
from opinion, factual <strong>and</strong> contextual accuracy, respect for people’s<br />
personal characteristics <strong>and</strong> privacy, <strong>and</strong> editorial independence.<br />
RESEARCH<br />
PAPER<br />
Management of conflict of interest was part of a larger set of<br />
institutional arrangements inside media organisations that went<br />
under the rubric of ‘church <strong>and</strong> state separation’. Borrowed from<br />
constitutional principles enshrined in writing or by convention<br />
in many Western democracies, the concept of church <strong>and</strong> state<br />
separation in the journalistic context came to mean the separation<br />
of news copy from commercial content (Friend <strong>and</strong> Singer 2007:<br />
181). It was the means by which the ideal of editorial independence<br />
was given effect to, allowing what C. P. Scott described as a<br />
newspaper’s moral <strong>and</strong> material existence (Muller, F. 1946) to<br />
live side-by-side, albeit with the inevitable tensions created by<br />
commercial <strong>and</strong> competitive pressures.<br />
These arrangements were grounded in certain assumptions about<br />
the nature of news, the nature of journalism, the role of the news<br />
media in society, <strong>and</strong> the means by which commercial media could<br />
plausibly serve the public interest whilst maintaining material<br />
viability.<br />
The nature of news<br />
In his lapidary work, Public opinion, Lippman (1922: 338-357) strips<br />
the concept of news back to its bare essentials: ‘when the life of<br />
anyone … departs from ordinary paths, or when events worth telling<br />
occur’. What is ‘worth telling’ has been analysed <strong>and</strong> described<br />
many times <strong>and</strong> is now established as a set of professional norms<br />
known as news values (see, for example, McQuail 1994: 271 <strong>and</strong><br />
Brighton <strong>and</strong> Foy 2007: 31-45). From these norms there follows an<br />
ethical principle, that material published as news should exhibit at<br />
Copyright 2016-2/3. Ethical Space: The International Journal of Communication Ethics. All rights reserved. Vol 13, No 2/3 2016 97