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Tanner et al. (2005: 187) identify three levels at which conflicts<br />

of interest may occur in media settings: institutional (arising from<br />

conflicts between editorial <strong>and</strong> commercial sides of a media<br />

organisation); process (which may occur, for example, through<br />

‘capture’ of journalists by valued sources <strong>and</strong> contacts, or from<br />

pressure induced by gifts of such goods as travel), <strong>and</strong> personal<br />

(arising from individual loyalties).<br />

It will be seen from the three case studies in this paper that lack of<br />

disclosure, plausibility <strong>and</strong> institutional culture are major factors in<br />

contemporary media’s conflict of interest problems.<br />

Professional expectations<br />

The importance of managing <strong>and</strong> resisting conflicts of interest is<br />

reflected in journalism’s codes of ethics across the Western world,<br />

as noted by Keeble (2001) in his enumeration <strong>and</strong> analysis of the<br />

values underpinning these codes. Avoidance of such conflicts<br />

ranks with other core values such as fairness, separation of fact<br />

from opinion, factual <strong>and</strong> contextual accuracy, respect for people’s<br />

personal characteristics <strong>and</strong> privacy, <strong>and</strong> editorial independence.<br />

RESEARCH<br />

PAPER<br />

Management of conflict of interest was part of a larger set of<br />

institutional arrangements inside media organisations that went<br />

under the rubric of ‘church <strong>and</strong> state separation’. Borrowed from<br />

constitutional principles enshrined in writing or by convention<br />

in many Western democracies, the concept of church <strong>and</strong> state<br />

separation in the journalistic context came to mean the separation<br />

of news copy from commercial content (Friend <strong>and</strong> Singer 2007:<br />

181). It was the means by which the ideal of editorial independence<br />

was given effect to, allowing what C. P. Scott described as a<br />

newspaper’s moral <strong>and</strong> material existence (Muller, F. 1946) to<br />

live side-by-side, albeit with the inevitable tensions created by<br />

commercial <strong>and</strong> competitive pressures.<br />

These arrangements were grounded in certain assumptions about<br />

the nature of news, the nature of journalism, the role of the news<br />

media in society, <strong>and</strong> the means by which commercial media could<br />

plausibly serve the public interest whilst maintaining material<br />

viability.<br />

The nature of news<br />

In his lapidary work, Public opinion, Lippman (1922: 338-357) strips<br />

the concept of news back to its bare essentials: ‘when the life of<br />

anyone … departs from ordinary paths, or when events worth telling<br />

occur’. What is ‘worth telling’ has been analysed <strong>and</strong> described<br />

many times <strong>and</strong> is now established as a set of professional norms<br />

known as news values (see, for example, McQuail 1994: 271 <strong>and</strong><br />

Brighton <strong>and</strong> Foy 2007: 31-45). From these norms there follows an<br />

ethical principle, that material published as news should exhibit at<br />

Copyright 2016-2/3. Ethical Space: The International Journal of Communication Ethics. All rights reserved. Vol 13, No 2/3 2016 97

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