Beyond clickbait and commerce
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v13n2-3
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While there is no universally accepted definition of media<br />
development, media for development, media assistance nor<br />
independent media, the normative assumption is that activity<br />
should support media systems that promote freedom of<br />
expression, plurality <strong>and</strong> diversity, strengthened media capacity,<br />
<strong>and</strong> professional training <strong>and</strong> skills development (GFMD 2008).<br />
The logic has been creating external pluralism through different<br />
media companies operating in one country to build democracy,<br />
assure access <strong>and</strong> voice to citizens. Scholars have explored how<br />
media can raise awareness <strong>and</strong> affect accountability (Bratic 2006;<br />
Becker 2011), <strong>and</strong> freedom of the media is highly correlated with<br />
broader political freedoms (Karlekar <strong>and</strong> Becker 2014). Although<br />
the effect is arguable, reductions in restrictions on journalists can<br />
have a positive impact on corruption (Brunetti <strong>and</strong> Weder 2003;<br />
Chowdhury 2004). On the face of it, media development responds<br />
to challenges through an integrated model of support to tackle a<br />
deficiency of business skills, lack of market data <strong>and</strong> increasingly<br />
audience research (Foster 2014).<br />
RESEARCH<br />
PAPER<br />
Which media funding models are most appropriate, however, is<br />
much contested. Promoting external pluralism via private media,<br />
funded by traditional choice-driven advertising <strong>and</strong> sales revenues,<br />
is questionable, given the current flaws <strong>and</strong> crisis in the ‘free<br />
market’ model (Peters 2010; Higgins 2014). Instead, low- or nointerest<br />
loans, public funding or subsidies are more likely to support<br />
quality, transparent media systems. Research in emerging markets<br />
suggests ‘high levels of competition in markets with limited<br />
advertising revenues may lead to poor journalistic performance’<br />
(Becker et al. 2009). Rather, if it is accepted that media play a role<br />
in democratic society – <strong>and</strong> a policy briefing by the BBC Media<br />
Action highlights the ‘urgent relevance’ of public service media in<br />
fragile states (Harding 2015) – it could follow that this public good<br />
should receive public support or some form of subsidy or funding<br />
intervention. But donor funding can create a cycle of dependency<br />
undermining efforts to earn revenues. Reviewing the impact of<br />
donor media assistance in sub-Saharan Africa, Myers (2014) finds<br />
that it has, discouraging movement towards advertiser-funded highaudience<br />
content. Either way, according to Berger (2010) ‘there<br />
seems to be an underplaying of business aspects <strong>and</strong> sustainability<br />
issues as a necessary feature for rendering a particular mediascape<br />
“developed”’.<br />
Most recently, grant organisations have moved away from funding<br />
media directly in favour of tiered support across development stages,<br />
projects or initiatives. According to media NGO International Press<br />
Centre: ‘Media centres will have to creatively think of rendering<br />
services for which they could receive payment so as to be able<br />
to meet aspects of their operational costs’ (CIMA 2007). Equally,<br />
members of IFEX, the global freedom of expression network,<br />
reported it had become ‘strikingly more difficult to obtain funding<br />
Copyright 2016-2/3. Ethical Space: The International Journal of Communication Ethics. All rights reserved. Vol 13, No 2/3 2016 69