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ecording the interviews, I engaged in an iterative examination of<br />

photographs, videos, web pages, social media, other public relations<br />

<strong>and</strong> journalism, ‘gradually allowing the case narrative to unfold from<br />

the diverse, complex, <strong>and</strong> sometimes conflicting stories that people,<br />

documents, <strong>and</strong> other evidence tell’ (Flyvbjerg 2001: 86). Previous<br />

research has used image events as case studies of movementbuilding<br />

by ENGOs (Sprain et al. 2011), <strong>and</strong> to investigate ‘how<br />

environmental narratives are realised visually’ (Schwarz 2013: 170).<br />

My own study is concerned with underst<strong>and</strong>ing the public sphere<br />

issues raised by re-mediation, <strong>and</strong> ethical challenges for ENGOs<br />

immersed in a public screen where image events intended to hold<br />

corporations <strong>and</strong> governments to account must compete with the<br />

spectacle of advertising <strong>and</strong> comm<strong>and</strong> space amid ‘the ceaseless<br />

circulation of jarring juxtapositions’ (DeLuca et al. 2011: 152).<br />

The Great Bear Rainforest RAVE is a useful case for this purpose<br />

because its partners, participants <strong>and</strong> outputs spanned activist<br />

media, mainstream media <strong>and</strong> multiple genres, <strong>and</strong> its objective<br />

was to ‘blow the story as far <strong>and</strong> wide as we could’ (Mittermeier,<br />

Cristina, personal communication, 8 July 2015). Interviewees were<br />

chosen to bring a range of perspectives to the study – those of<br />

ENGOs, photographers <strong>and</strong> tourism operators (ecotourism being<br />

an important Indigenous business that has benefited from the<br />

protection of the Great Bear Rainforest’s habitat <strong>and</strong> wildlife).<br />

Details are provided in the case study <strong>and</strong> in Note 1 at the end of<br />

the paper. 1<br />

RESEARCH<br />

PAPER<br />

Case study<br />

The Great Bear Rainforest, formerly known as the Mid Coast Timber<br />

Supply Area, is a vast region of temperate rainforest on the coast<br />

of British Columbia. Approximately half of the 35,000 people who<br />

live in its 6.4 million hectares are First Nations. The forest <strong>and</strong> its<br />

waterways are also home to salmon, whales, eagles, wolves, grizzly<br />

bears, black bears <strong>and</strong> a small number of black bears with a genetic<br />

trait that gives them a white coat, now known by their First Nations<br />

name of spirit bears. In the mid-1990s the forest became the site<br />

of contestation over logging <strong>and</strong> trophy-hunting. Environmental<br />

groups, First Nations people, corporations <strong>and</strong> governments<br />

became embroiled in the disputes, but by ‘br<strong>and</strong>ing the region<br />

the “Great Bear Rainforest,” the ENGOs successfully used endemic<br />

species to raise the region’s profile, particularly outside Canada’<br />

(Affolderbach 2011).<br />

The forestry dispute was brought to partial resolution in 2006, when<br />

a proportion of the area was protected <strong>and</strong> the spirit bear became<br />

British Columbia’s official provincial symbol, but the same year<br />

energy company Enbridge announced plans to build the Northern<br />

Gateway Pipeline to transport what ENGOs describe as the world’s<br />

dirtiest oil from Alberta to British Columbia. The oil would then<br />

Copyright 2016-2/3. Ethical Space: The International Journal of Communication Ethics. All rights reserved. Vol 13, No 2/3 2016 23

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