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<strong>and</strong>/or distributed by ENGOs to mobilise members <strong>and</strong> publics<br />

<strong>and</strong> often also to challenge institutional knowledge. This material<br />

may reach its primary audience via an ENGO’s websites or social<br />

media. Simultaneously or alternatively, however, it may find its way<br />

into participatory or mainstream media as a result of traditional<br />

news investigation or ENGO public relations, or through direct<br />

contribution by an ENGO activist (for example, opinion pieces, or<br />

material uploaded to a participatory media site). In mainstream<br />

media it might also take the form of overt advocacy journalism (see<br />

Fisher 2015). When I write of mainstream media in this paper, I am<br />

referring primarily to commercial digital or non-digital mass media,<br />

while also recognising that a non-profit media organisation may be<br />

high-profile, mainstream <strong>and</strong> mass media; social media has been<br />

described as ‘many-to-many broadcasting’ (DeLuca et al. 2011:<br />

149); <strong>and</strong> a media worker who publishes in mainstream outlets<br />

may also be an activist or advocate (McGaurr 2015).<br />

RESEARCH<br />

PAPER<br />

In the following sections I discuss the roles of images, spectacle,<br />

NGOs, desire <strong>and</strong> publicity in the public sphere, <strong>and</strong> introduce the<br />

concepts of the public screen (DeLuca <strong>and</strong> Peeples 2002; DeLuca<br />

et al. 2011) <strong>and</strong> re-mediation (Bolter <strong>and</strong> Grusin 1999). After<br />

describing my qualitative approach, I then present <strong>and</strong> discuss<br />

my case study. My examination of the Great Bear Rainforest<br />

RAVE – in particular image re-mediation, which is defined as ‘the<br />

representation of one medium in another’ (ibid: 45) – reveals<br />

some of the benefits <strong>and</strong> risks for the public sphere <strong>and</strong> ENGOs<br />

of combining activist <strong>and</strong> mainstream media in environmental<br />

campaigns. In my case study, a partnership with the National<br />

Geographic Society helped the iLCP <strong>and</strong> other ENGOs to gain<br />

publicity in mainstream media for themselves, the environmental<br />

issues they supported, <strong>and</strong> the images they curated on their own<br />

websites. However, because the narrative of an iLCP photographer<br />

on assignment for National Geographic was integral to the image<br />

event, re-mediation resulted not only in opportunities for raising<br />

awareness of the issue <strong>and</strong> challenging institutional knowledge but<br />

also, on occasion, decontextualisation in the interests of sometimes<br />

misaligned consumerism.<br />

Images in the public sphere<br />

The public sphere, as conceived of by Jürgen Habermas (1989),<br />

is a metaphorical space in which individuals come together in<br />

person as equals to engage in rational-critical debate about their<br />

common affairs. Finnegan <strong>and</strong> Kang (2004: 380) posit that, in<br />

The structural transformation of the public sphere, Habermas<br />

demonstrates ‘gross iconoclasm’ – ‘a blunt, general critique that<br />

argues that images are dangerous to the practice of healthy public<br />

communication’, although they also find that in his later work<br />

he assigns ‘appropriate’ forms of visuality such as bourgeois art<br />

a role in rescuing the public sphere from ‘the feudalizing force of<br />

Copyright 2016-2/3. Ethical Space: The International Journal of Communication Ethics. All rights reserved. Vol 13, No 2/3 2016 19

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