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The Color of Law A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America by Richard Rothstein (z-lib.org).epub

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Neither the costs nor the benefits of desegregation can be apportioned

fairly. African Americans benefiting from an affirmative action boost may

not be those who most need it because of segregation. White students who

are rejected by an elite university due to affirmative action, but who

otherwise would have been admitted, may not be precisely those who owe

their qualifications to the legacy of privilege that segregation bequeathed.

Our legal system expects every compensatory transfer to be precisely

calibrated to the responsibility of the giver and the victimization of the

receiver. De jure segregation is too massive a historical wrong to satisfy this

principle. Remedying de jure segregation will be neither win-win nor neat.

We’ve made a constitutional mess that will not be easily undone. Certainly,

integration will benefit all of us, white and African American. But costs will

also be involved, and we should accept that those costs are part of our

constitutional obligation. Otherwise, integration will be unlikely to succeed.

Why did leaders whom we consider liberal promote segregationist policies?

What was the motivation for administrations from Wilson’s to Franklin

Roosevelt’s to impose segregation? Was it political expediency, or were

they personally bigoted?

It was some of both.

The Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman administrations could not

enact progressive economic programs without the support of southern

Democrats who were committed to white supremacy. President Roosevelt

chose John Nance Garner, a segregationist Texan, as his vice-presidential

running mate for his first two terms. The selection preserved, at least

initially, Democratic unity in support of policies that disproportionately

helped whites.

But there was more to it than expediency. President Roosevelt’s inner

circle included press secretary Steve Early, a committed segregationist who

ensured that no racial liberalism crept into presidential statements. The

South Carolina segregationist Senator James F. Byrnes was one of

Roosevelt’s (and later President Truman’s) closest confidants, and Roosevelt

appointed him to the Supreme Court. After only a year Byrnes resigned to

take other administration positions. Had Byrnes remained on the Court when

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