The Color of Law A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America by Richard Rothstein (z-lib.org).epub

Many of those loans were then purchased by nondepository
institutions, such as Lehman Brothers or Bear Stearns, who could
have been under no pressure to do so by CRA regulators.
Nonetheless, although the CRA could not have been responsible
for the housing bubble, regulators did not interfere with racially
motivated subprime targeting when banks and thrifts did engage in
it.
CHAPTER 8:
Local Tactics
p. 115, 1 Johnson 1993, 91–93; Hayward Area Historical Society online;
Stiles 2015; Self 2003, 113. David Bohannon’s leading role as a
mass-production builder was confirmed by his election, in 1941, as
the first president of the National Association of Home Builders.
Later, his contribution to racial segregation went unmentioned
when, in 1958, he was elected national president of the influential
research group for planners, the Urban Land Institute (praising him
as “one of the West Coast’s most successful land developers and
community builders”); or when he was selected, in 1986, as the
annual honoree of the California Homebuilding Foundation and a
member of its Hall of Fame for having “enriched the homebuilding
industry through innovation, public service, and philanthropy.”
p. 115, 2 Architectural Forum 1945; San Lorenzo Village, mid-1950s.
p. 116, 1 Devincenzi, Gilsenan, and Levine 2004, 24–26.
p. 116, 2 Moore 2000, 110. The AFSC’s Social-Industrial Committee was
chaired during much of the period discussed here by Clark Kerr,
chancellor of the University of California at Berkeley. He was a
prominent advocate of racial integration and was also admired for
refusing to fire faculty who had refused to sign an anti-Communist
loyalty oath. But in 1964 he became the symbol of opposition to
students’ right to “free speech” on campus, during protests against
segregation and the Vietnam War. He was later denied appointment
as secretary of health, education, and welfare by President Lyndon
Johnson because the FBI deemed him subversive.
In 2013, Stephen McNeil, the assistant regional director of the
AFSC’s western regional office in San Francisco, permitted me to
comb through, read, and copy its relevant files from the 1940s and
1950s. The documents cover the AFSC’s efforts to assist Ford’s