Slavery to Liberation- The African American Experience, 2019a

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331 political party. The role of party leadership, committee assignments, rank, and party unity has often presented internal dissension for African American House members. Despite this incongruence between the Democratic Party and the Congressional Black Caucus on issues important to African Americans, the Congressional Black Caucus has been an influential force in advocating for Black interests. Pinney and Serra have found that social issues remain an important policy priority for members of the Congressional Black Caucus, 64 noting a substantial degree of cohesion among caucus members and finding that caucus members strategically use their ability to co-sponsor legislation to serve their political ambition. In addition to the Congressional Black Caucus’s focus on social issues impacting the African American community, the caucus has also established an alternative annual budget. It is often said that budgets reflect priorities. Nothing reveals the Congressional Black Caucus’s policy priorities than their alternative budget. The Congressional Black Caucus 2018 Alternative Budget called for a fairer tax code to generate more than $3.9 trillion. Under this proposal $1 trillion would be used to enhance infrastructure in historically underserved communities. The budget also allocates $250 billion for K-12 and higher education. The budget proposal further expands universal health care by allocating $23 billion over the next ten years. 65 Although their budget is very progressive and indeed represents the interest of African Americans, leaders in the Democratic Party have not gotten behind these proposals and U.S. presidents have historically ignored these proposals. CONCLUSION 64 Neil Pinney and George Serra, “A Voice for Black Interest: Congressional Black Caucus Cohesion and Cosponsorship,” Congress and the Presidency, 29 (2002), 69-86. 65 “CBC Releases Alternative FY 2018 Budget,” Washington, DC, March 15, 2017, accessed October 30, 2019, https://cbc.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=429
332 According to McCormick (2015), African American politics is predicated on the assumption that “(1) that the election of more Black politicians would contribute to material improvement in the lives of African Americans who live in the United States; and (2) Black elected officials would seek to pursue policy initiatives designed to improve the lives of African American Americans” (1). 66 Although mainstream political science scholarship has neglected to center African American congressional incumbents into their studies, these politicians—like their White counterparts—have taken advantage of the incumbency factor. These politicians have brought distinct policy interests to the U.S. Congress as they have represented Black interests descriptively and substantively. Consistent with much of what political scientists know, African American congressional incumbents 1) benefit enormously from the incumbency factor, (2) often face weak challengers in elections, and (3) engage in many different symbolic and substantive forms of representation that speak to African American culture. In addition to facing weak challenger candidates, they typically win their bid for reelection by large margins. Scholarly understandings of political representation have traditionally treated descriptive and substantive representation as two distinct forms of representation; however, for African American Congressional incumbents, symbolic representation is also substantive representation. Both descriptive and substantive representation are necessary components of African American political representation. One is inconceivable without the other. It is not enough to simply evaluate African American members of Congress on the number of bills they are able to pass. Any serious attempt to evaluate these members must engage a holistic view of their representational styles. The evidence presented here raises several important questions concerning Black political representation. First and foremost, most of the scholars studying Black political representation must move the discussion from one that seeks to uncover the ability of African American politicians to make a substantive change in the Black community. 66 Joseph McCormick, “The Obama Presidencies and the Continuing Significance of the Racial Divide in American Politics,” in Todd Shaw and Robert Brown, eds., After Obama: African-American Politics in the Obama Era (unpublished, 2015).
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The African American Experience Edi
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This work is licensed under a Creat
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ii Chapter 9.......................
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iv teaching African American course
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1 Chapter 1 Introduction to the Afr
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3 subordinate and Whites as superor
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5 them. This lack of labor force pa
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7 intact.” 6 Indeed, from the tra
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9 Chapter 2 CONCEPTS OF BEAUTY: BLA
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11 Some other important characteris
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13 Figure 3. Leonardo Da Vinci, The
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15 Noah’s statement that Canaan w
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17 to the popular consciousness of
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19 equally affected by this extensi
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21 been the dissemination of images
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23 Figure 5. Frē Seyon, Diptych wi
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25 standards of beauty and positive
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27 Chapter 3 Gumboot Dancing and St
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29 style drew from the traditional
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31 style. And it is no longer restr
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33 and dance in the curriculum. Gum
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35 setjhaba sa heso, Setjhaba sa So
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37 European domination.” 9 The Al
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39 SIMILARITIES BETWEEN GUMBOOT DAN
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41 communities…dance is often bas
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43 original words that created a un
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45 aesthetic values of their releva
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47 Objective and Activity 4: Studen
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49 Gumboot miners of the darkened h
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51 Dance (1996). 32 Stepping has be
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53 Chapter 4 “The Strong Cords of
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55 primarily signify present-day so
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57 attributable to several factors:
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59 who escaped from Kentucky with h
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61 Canada. One of the most well-kno
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63 escaping alone. But most mothers
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65 River. Unable to find the freedo
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67 freedom for themselves instead o
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69 600 coloured [sic] people, among
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71 Some wrote to their former ensla
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73 sources. What other materials co
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75 Black sexuality has received a f
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77 her ‘perform’—she was held
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79 descent in North America, and pa
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81 willingly mixed their blood with
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83 White women as well. One form of
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85 The end of slavery ushered in an
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87 However, despite her obedience,
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89 how untreated syphilis affected
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91 A third example involved a fourt
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93 people have presented Black sexu
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95 about the campaign against Birth
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97 Issues of Black sexuality have s
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99 Discussion Questions 1. How did
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new people. They spoke English, wor
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Carolina, newspaper The Hive. After
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Peake (1823-1862) a mixed-race, wel
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American Missionary Association est
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Washington’s far-reaching influen
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lawyers. In this instance, there wa
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institutions. The Jeanes Rural Scho
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THE NAACP AND THE SUPREME COURT Th
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Arkansas, nine Black children chose
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119 CHAPTER 7 “It is Our Freedom
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121 moved to Indian Territory so th
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123 documented several instances of
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125 Blacks among Native American po
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127 Black heritage which became a t
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129 same means. 32 The eventual wit
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131 occupation as the best solution
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133 African American farmers. Overa
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135 popularizing the notion of Kans
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137 joined to form settlements in t
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139 perseverance and Christian mora
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141 Louisiana. 81 The town made nat
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143 lived there by 1907—the same
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145 racial landscape reflected what
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147 the riot were still visible in
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149 settlers to earlier settlers of
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151 her 1937 interview fails to men
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153 Writing Prompt Freedom and Iden
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155 Civil War, an in-depth examinat
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157 for his actions in heroically c
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159 racial division of American soc
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161 U.S., Fagen reached such a high
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163 As the military mobilized in th
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165 in a letter why he should sacri
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167 Momentum built quickly in the y
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169 Influenced heavily by the Sovie
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171 As the Ranger Training program
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173 Chinese soldiers had given thei
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175 of the first ten months of comb
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177 CHAPTER 9 Prophecy in the Stree
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179 Slave owners allowed slaves to
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181 African slave preachers such as
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183 and benefits for each way to ac
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185 early example of politics of th
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187 they address.” 26 Thus, leade
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189 commitment meant the willingnes
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191 not enough to create the social
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193 Black churches also played a pi
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195 community. After graduating fro
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197 role. However, to be clear, it
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199 to life, liberty, and the pursu
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201 There are people who are hurtin
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203 Discussion Questions 1. How wer
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205 movement that arose in the 1960
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207 supporting integrated public sc
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209 didn’t want to protest to mak
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211 reliance, and her numerous book
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213 communist philosophy. 28 And wh
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215 she argued that its roots were
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217 RNC pamphlet highlighting the p
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219 independence.” This rhetoric
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221 direct funding to women and enc
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223 entrepreneurship, King emphasiz
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225 are part owners of that superma
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227 contribute to their betterment
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229 “helping Black business peopl
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231 mainstream Black politics and o
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233 United States or Soviet Union:
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235 their palpable animosity—and
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237 ascension buttressed that belie
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239 majority in Parliament, nationa
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241 most developed nations in Latin
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243 Soviet Union. McClintock was ob
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245 They exploited the disorganized
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247 tag that struck colonial chords
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249 Foreman and Ali each had five m
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251 Frazier expressed little to no
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253 resurrect the Era of Fantastic
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255 Chapter 12 Critical Issues in A
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257 Poor health continued into adul
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259 other enslaved members, passed
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261 from an American medical school
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263 Black Health and Healthcare Aft
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265 Facing discrimination from Whit
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267 The Black medical profession ma
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269 weekly event turned into year-r
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271 pseudo-scientific research that
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273 until 1968); marched in the 196
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275 U.S. Public Health Service in 1
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277 physicians? 3. How have African
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279 BrotherBenX; TariqRadio; Prince
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Page 316 and 317: 307 Writing Prompt Which people, ev
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Page 326 and 327: 317 assuming that it made them more
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Page 332 and 333: 323 The incumbency factor scares of
Page 334 and 335: 325 THE INTERSECTION OF DESCRIPTIVE
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