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Slavery to Liberation- The African American Experience, 2019a

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332<br />

According <strong>to</strong> McCormick (2015), <strong>African</strong> <strong>American</strong> politics is predicated on the<br />

assumption that “(1) that the election of more Black politicians would contribute <strong>to</strong><br />

material improvement in the lives of <strong>African</strong> <strong>American</strong>s who live in the United States;<br />

and (2) Black elected officials would seek <strong>to</strong> pursue policy initiatives designed <strong>to</strong><br />

improve the lives of <strong>African</strong> <strong>American</strong> <strong>American</strong>s” (1). 66 Although mainstream political<br />

science scholarship has neglected <strong>to</strong> center <strong>African</strong> <strong>American</strong> congressional incumbents<br />

in<strong>to</strong> their studies, these politicians—like their White counterparts—have taken<br />

advantage of the incumbency fac<strong>to</strong>r. <strong>The</strong>se politicians have brought distinct policy<br />

interests <strong>to</strong> the U.S. Congress as they have represented Black interests descriptively<br />

and substantively.<br />

Consistent with much of what political scientists know, <strong>African</strong> <strong>American</strong><br />

congressional incumbents 1) benefit enormously from the incumbency fac<strong>to</strong>r, (2) often<br />

face weak challengers in elections, and (3) engage in many different symbolic and<br />

substantive forms of representation that speak <strong>to</strong> <strong>African</strong> <strong>American</strong> culture. In addition<br />

<strong>to</strong> facing weak challenger candidates, they typically win their bid for reelection by large<br />

margins. Scholarly understandings of political representation have traditionally treated<br />

descriptive and substantive representation as two distinct forms of representation;<br />

however, for <strong>African</strong> <strong>American</strong> Congressional incumbents, symbolic representation is<br />

also substantive representation. Both descriptive and substantive representation are<br />

necessary components of <strong>African</strong> <strong>American</strong> political representation. One is inconceivable<br />

without the other. It is not enough <strong>to</strong> simply evaluate <strong>African</strong> <strong>American</strong> members of<br />

Congress on the number of bills they are able <strong>to</strong> pass. Any serious attempt <strong>to</strong> evaluate<br />

these members must engage a holistic view of their representational styles.<br />

<strong>The</strong> evidence presented here raises several important questions concerning Black<br />

political representation. First and foremost, most of the scholars studying Black political<br />

representation must move the discussion from one that seeks <strong>to</strong> uncover the ability of<br />

<strong>African</strong> <strong>American</strong> politicians <strong>to</strong> make a substantive change in the Black community.<br />

66<br />

Joseph McCormick, “<strong>The</strong> Obama Presidencies and the Continuing Significance of the<br />

Racial Divide in <strong>American</strong> Politics,” in Todd Shaw and Robert Brown, eds., After Obama:<br />

<strong>African</strong>-<strong>American</strong> Politics in the Obama Era (unpublished, 2015).

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