Copyright by Gregory Krauss 2007 - The University of Texas at Austin

More documents

Recommendations

Info

Fowler posits that success in using public pressure to restore democracy in the Philippines in 1986 helped persuade the U.S. government to support the democratic opposition. 74 Another possible explanatory factor was the relationship between the U.S. government and democratic opposition that Lister had initiated during Kim Dae Jung’s exile. Lister wrote in October 1999 that “Kim Dae Jung’s case became the key turning point in our South Korean human rights policy.” 75 Kim also said that he regarded his Open Forum speech and subsequent lunch “as his greatest success in the U.S.” 76 Lister and Kim remained in touch throughout the 1990s. In 1994, Lister was invited by Kim’s foundation, the Kim Dae Jung Peace Foundation, to give a speech in South Korea. When Kim was finally elected President in 1997, Lister was invited to attend the inauguration. Chile In the aftermath of the Chilean coup on September 11, 1973, General Augusto Pinochet consolidated his dictatorship with harshly repressive measures. In the coming years, thousands of Chileans were imprisoned, tortured, and killed by Pinochet’s government. Immediately after the coup, Lister recognized the damage that U.S. involvement in the coup—or the perception of that involvement—would do to the U.S. image in Latin America. “Once again, Chilean developments seem to be playing into the hands of those who want a Latin American left united against us,” 111
Lister wrote to Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Jack B. Kubisch on September 17, 1973. 77 The following year, Lister was still trying to shape U.S. relations with the Chilean government. In a memo to David H. Popper, U.S. Ambassador to Chile, Lister suggested that the U.S. maintain “cordial, diplomatic relations with Chile,” while making it clear to non-government representatives that the U.S. was not taking sides in favor of the Junta. 78 As described in Chapter 3, during the 1960s Lister had advocated for increased contact with the Socialists, but he had been able to have little contact himself from his location in Washington, D.C. Now, in his capacity as a human rights officer, rather than leaving relations with the democratic opposition to the U.S. Embassy in Santiago or to other top policymakers, Lister was able to work directly with the democratic opposition, some of which had fled Chile and was residing in Washington, D.C. The relationships Lister built with the opposition— which included a wide spectrum of former politicians as well as representatives of the Catholic Church—gave them a more favorable impression of U.S. aims. And, as with so many other countries, Lister became a conduit through which the opposition could seek to change U.S. policies. As early as 1975, Lister was helping the opposition against Pinochet. That year, Renato Poblete, a Chilean priest, came to Washington to represent Chilean Church leaders in their bid for a strong U.S. human rights policy towards Chile and specifically an asylum program for Chilean refugees. 79 Lister arranged meetings with 112
Page 1 and 2:
Copyright by Gregory Krauss 2007
Page 3 and 4:
Impacting Foreign Policy as a Mid-L
Page 5 and 6:
Impacting Foreign Policy as a Mid-L
Page 7 and 8:
Chile..............................
Page 9 and 10:
contributions to U.S. foreign polic
Page 11 and 12:
etween personalities and more as a
Page 13 and 14:
duties but not jeopardize his caree
Page 15 and 16:
21 Morton H. Halperin and Patricia
Page 17 and 18:
younger sister. As Lister’s long-
Page 19 and 20:
as an ideological battle that the U
Page 21 and 22:
February 1955, Lister received a le
Page 23 and 24:
wanted to bring the entire Socialis
Page 25 and 26:
Schlesinger soon began working toge
Page 27 and 28:
espects Saragat more than vice-vers
Page 29 and 30:
Socialist Party that this office ha
Page 31 and 32:
First, his contacts with Italian So
Page 33 and 34:
eceptive to the Italian Socialists
Page 35 and 36:
64 George Lister, “Political Less
Page 37 and 38:
As he frequently did though, Lister
Page 39 and 40:
Impact in the Bureau of Inter-Ameri
Page 41 and 42:
leaders,” Lister wrote in 1971. 1
Page 43 and 44:
Latin Americans to watch out for [t
Page 45 and 46:
Lister’s facility with explaining
Page 47 and 48:
away from the Communists, much as h
Page 49 and 50:
Domingo as part of an inter-departm
Page 51 and 52:
the crisis was “interesting and i
Page 53 and 54:
War effort. Besides his propaganda
Page 55 and 56:
Affairs to ask that the U.S. press
Page 57 and 58:
win the ideological battle against
Page 59 and 60:
31 Ibid. 32 Memo, George Lister to
Page 61 and 62:
104 Ibid. 105 Ibid. 106 Ibid. 107 C
Page 63 and 64:
ights suddenly became a major U.S.
Page 65 and 66:
international human rights experts
Page 67 and 68: Rights, Carter reiterated that U.S.
Page 69 and 70: Reagan’s human rights policy was,
Page 71 and 72: When, as a result of the hearings,
Page 73 and 74: Human rights were rhetorically usef
Page 75 and 76: substantial,” Shlaudeman said.
Page 77 and 78: a reporter as “Mr. Human Rights.
Page 79 and 80: encourage improvement. As if to und
Page 81 and 82: Lister won plaudits from Patricia D
Page 83 and 84: ut the hearings were the starting p
Page 85 and 86: moment. The bureau had already been
Page 87 and 88: democratic opposition leaders. List
Page 89 and 90: greater attention to human rights v
Page 91 and 92: occurred. Lister’s own toughness
Page 93 and 94: ability to update the State Departm
Page 95 and 96: a wide open society, essentially de
Page 97 and 98: wing regimes, you had to be against
Page 99 and 100: convinced that clear, reliable info
Page 101 and 102: he had reduced mistrust, Lister hel
Page 103 and 104: 49 Telephone interview by Gregory K
Page 105 and 106: 117 Ibid., p. 13. 118 Report, Georg
Page 107 and 108: Chapter 5. Human Rights Case Studie
Page 109 and 110: The Carter administration had campa
Page 111 and 112: the Sandinista government became in
Page 113 and 114: the Sandinistas, but he did not cha
Page 115 and 116: of the 1980s. Lister’s relationsh
Page 117: opinion of the text. Lister suggest
Page 121 and 122: that the USG is pro-Pinochet, you a
Page 123 and 124: concern about Chile, the Reagan adm
Page 125 and 126: violations by the Pinochet governme
Page 127 and 128: luncheons with the Chilean Congress
Page 129 and 130: how Lister managed to have such a l
Page 131 and 132: 62 Letter, Kim Dae Jung to George L
Page 133 and 134: 129 Library of Congress, Authoritar
Page 135 and 136: movement—in particular, by insist
Page 137 and 138: Lister’s other political base was
Page 139 and 140: State Department as well as human r
Page 141 and 142: open a political conversation with
Page 143 and 144: Archival Documents Bibliography Abr
Page 145 and 146: Lister, George. Memo to Mr. William
Page 147 and 148: Lister, George. Memo to ARA Office
Page 149 and 150: Lister, George. Memo to Elliott Abr
Page 151 and 152: U.S. State Department. Career Histo
Page 153 and 154: Library of Congress, Chile: The Con
Page 155 and 156: Shlaudeman, Harry. Former Assistant
Page 157 and 158: Memorial Service for George Lister.
show all

Copyright by Gregory Krauss 2007 - The University of Texas at Austin

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?