Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris
Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris
Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris
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Revue <strong>de</strong> Presse-Press Review-Berhevoka Çapê-Rivista Stampa-Dentro <strong>de</strong> la Prensa-Basm Öz<strong>et</strong>i<br />
A coalition for Iraq<br />
The WI8hiogtOD<br />
POst<br />
Vice Presi<strong>de</strong>nt 'DickCheiley's<br />
recent tour of the Middle East<br />
createdthe public impression<br />
that the Arab governments in<br />
the area are united and unmovable in<br />
their opposition to a U.S. military campaign<br />
to oust Saddam Hussein. Such a<br />
campaign, they <strong>de</strong>clare, would be a catastrophe<br />
for the region; moreover, the<br />
.Bush administration shoùld not even<br />
,consi<strong>de</strong>r it unless and until it can put<br />
an end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.<br />
No doubt the Arab summit me<strong>et</strong>-<br />
!Pf scheduled for this week will propel<br />
this rh<strong>et</strong>oric to its highest pitch ~ and<br />
"cause some in Washington to conclu<strong>de</strong><br />
, that it will be impossible to build a co-<br />
, alition to confront the Iraqi regime.<br />
That conclusion would be wrong.<br />
The United States can, and should, create.a<br />
Consensus over the course of the<br />
'next few months for freeing Iraq.is<br />
from the Saddam Hussein dictatorship.<br />
Th do so, however, it must patiently<br />
pursue several intermediate steps, including<br />
one or two it is unreasonably<br />
resisting. .<br />
The Îust trick, which administration<br />
officials already know well, is to ignore<br />
most of the Arab public rh<strong>et</strong>oric, while<br />
~ clear in private me<strong>et</strong>ings that<br />
the Umted States can no longer tolerate<br />
the status quo in Baghdad. Arab governments<br />
shout their opposition to,<br />
confronting Saddam Hussein in part<br />
becaus<strong>et</strong>hey<br />
fear that the Bush adMinistration,<br />
like its pre<strong>de</strong>cessors, will not<br />
fClUowup on its threats, or will content<br />
itself with militarr half-measures that<br />
leave the dictator m power. If they are<br />
assured that any U.S.campaign will<br />
not stop $hort of <strong>de</strong>stroYing the Iraqi<br />
, n:f:me. a~d that it will bf;, acco~plished<br />
Wlth an overwhelmmg force<br />
that can quickly achieve a military victory,<br />
one oftheir largest concerns will<br />
be assuaged.<br />
While insisting on its goal, the administration<br />
must also avoid falling into<br />
the trap of accepting an Israeli-Palestinian<br />
s<strong>et</strong>tlement as a p~ondition<br />
'to action. Such a s<strong>et</strong>tlement is worth<br />
pursuing on its own merits, and the administration<br />
has been right to step up<br />
its efforts. Y<strong>et</strong> the sad fact is that while<br />
some kind of truce may be patched tog<strong>et</strong>her,<br />
a larger Israeli-Palestinian<br />
peace may not be achievable in the<br />
near future. Linking progress there to<br />
Iraq might even worsen the already<br />
dim prospects for a s<strong>et</strong>tlement, since<br />
Saddam Hussein enjoys strong support<br />
among the Palestinians and their lea<strong>de</strong>rs.<br />
Conversely, if the Iraqi regime<br />
were finally replaced by a mo<strong>de</strong>rate<br />
government that renounced ~errorism,<br />
Palestinian hard-liners might be more<br />
inclined to abandon their <strong>de</strong>structive<br />
quest to achieve statehood by violent<br />
means.<br />
o<br />
The har<strong>de</strong>st part of building a coalition<br />
fot change in Iraq is forging a plausible<br />
vision of .what kind of govern-<br />
,ment would replace Saddam Hussein<br />
and how such a government would be<br />
put tog<strong>et</strong>her. Once the news conferences<br />
are over and the doors are<br />
closed, this is the subject of greatest<br />
concern to Iraq's neighbors - and the<br />
one where the administration has been<br />
slowest to offer answers. That is partly<br />
because answers are not easy; there are<br />
no readily available and credible alternatives.<br />
Still, the administration can<br />
commit itself to a process. It can offer<br />
- in public - a vision of Iraq as a state<br />
~t is united, but respectful of minor-<br />
Ities, and pledged to peace with its<br />
neighbors. It can build confi<strong>de</strong>nce in<br />
the likelihood of that outcome by fully<br />
<strong>de</strong>veloping and embracing a post-Saddam<br />
scheme of reconstruction, peacekeeping<br />
and --:yes - nation-building.<br />
As a start, that would mean dropping<br />
the .pointless resistance to such a project<br />
ln Mghanistan and using greater<br />
U.S. engagement in civil affairs and<br />
peacekeeping there as a mo<strong>de</strong>l of what<br />
could be done in Iraq. If the Bush administration<br />
would commit itself. not<br />
just to <strong>de</strong>stroying rogue regimes but to<br />
a long-term effort to help build b<strong>et</strong>ter<br />
ones, winning support in the Middle<br />
East might turn out t6 be relatively<br />
easy - even if some lea<strong>de</strong>rs never say<br />
so in public. '<br />
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TURQUIE<br />
"NOtr~arrnée,.un produit d'exportation ?"<br />
EII'vlslte à Istanbul, le financier George<br />
Soros a expliqué que le seul bien turc<br />
comp6tltlf su; les marchés extérieurs eat<br />
le 8OId8t. ,Ce lÔIe <strong>de</strong> "p<strong>et</strong>it gendanne"llOUItve<br />
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..., Lars <strong>de</strong> sa visite à Istanbul, George Soros<br />
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